Oxford’s enemies, Part I

As might be expected of one born to live at a royal Court, by the time Oxford reached his thirties he had acquired a fair number of enemies. To his right there were the fellow descendants of the ancient Norman nobility, many of them determined Catholics, bitter about their lost status; to his left were the newly empowered Protestant evangelicals, bent on purifying the world of Sin, which to them meant the strictest possible oversight of sinful pleasures like making and watching plays. Not least were those members of his Court community he was wont to target for public humiliation because they had roused his wrath­­––recall the 1593 squib from Pierce’s Supererogation (supposedly by Gabriel Harvey):

all you that tender the preservation of your good names were best to please Pap-hatchet and fee Euphues betimes for fear lest he [Euphues] be moved, or some one of his apes hired, to make a play of you, and then is your credit quite undone forever and ever, such is the public reputation of their plays. . . . Better anger an hundred other, than two such, that have the stage at commandment, and can furnish out vices and devils at their pleasure.

Oxford and his “apes” were more than a match for these, but there were three who, over time, did him significant and lasting damage. In his youth there was the Queen’s “favorite” Robert Dudley, soon to be known as the Earl of Leicester. Later came the deadly duo, his cousin Lord Henry Howard and his brother-in-law Sir Robert Cecil, known later (under King James) as the Earls of Northampton and Salisbury. While Dudley stood in his way early on, it was the latter two whose hatred succeeded in killing, not the playwright himself, but his “good name.”

Hamlet, dying, begs his friend: “O God, Horatio, what a wounded name, things standing thus unknown, shall live behind me!” Why is it that those things that “stood thus unknown” have remained unknown for four long centuries? How much longer will this continue before History begins accepting the truth?

The Earl of Leicester

When Oxford first came to Court sometime in the late 1560s he found himself at odds with Robert Dudley, the Queen’s official lover. Almost the same age as Elizabeth, born like her into the highest circles within the small tightly-knit community that was the Court of Henry VIII, both survivors of three deadly regimes, Robert and Elizabeth would probably have met more than once during childhood, and would certainly have heard of each other from their earliest years.

It’s clear that she wanted him near her, since she brought him to Court within days of her coronation. Drawn to him emotionally and doubtless physically as well, she knew that she could always depend upon him because, as Fate and the rules of Blood Dynasties had it, in the wild scramble for power that followed the deaths of her father, then her brother, then her sister, it was Henry’s youngest daughter, not one of Northumberland’s sons, who ended up with all the power. By then, as the son of a convicted traitor, Robert Dudley would be totally reliant on her for his place at Court for the rest of his life.

It so fell out that when, two years into her reign, the death of the 16th Earl of Oxford left his twelve-year-old heir to her to manage through the arcane Crown-funding method known as Wardship, the thrifty Queen used her prerogative to support the landless Dudley by giving him the use of the income from the Oxford estates until the Oxford heir came of age. There was nothing unusual about this; several previous earls of Oxford had begun as underage royal wards, their inherited estates similarly farmed out by the monarch to some needy supporter.

Oxford’s estates

Various authorship scholars have examined how Leicester handled Oxford’s lands during this period (most notably Daphne Pearson and Nina Green) and while it’s clear that on at least one occasion Dudley played the bully with the old Earl’s widow, Oxford’s mother, the idea that it was his abuse of Oxford’s lands that set our playwright on the road to    bankruptcy does not accord with the facts (consider how Oxford’s mother begged Cecil to appoint someone to take over the handling of the estate since it was simply too much for her (Nelson Monstrous xx), nor does the background history support the theory that Leicester was in any way driven by his hatred for Oxford. (Nor does it support the bizarre notion that he had the 16th Earl murdered just so he could have the use of his lands for a few short years!)

Looking back in history, it’s clear that the Oxford earldom was in trouble long before Elizabeth took the throne, as it had been at least since the great 13th Earl died in 1462. Because that magnate left no heir “of his body,” the title passed to a nephew, a “wastrel” who, having succeeded to the title at age four, spent his short life restoring a Saxon ruin known as Castle Camps. What was left of the family estates then passed to his uncle, another Earl John, whose life under Henry VIII was more concerned with keeping his head on his shoulders than protecting his heritage, as Bluff Harry grabbed for himself, or one of his toadies, such ancient prerogatives of the Oxford earldom as the office of the Lord Great Chamberlain and Keeper of the Forest of Waltham.

With Oxford’s father, whose bizarre love life may reflect to some extent the deplorable example of his monarch, what was left of the earldom by the time Bluff Harry died came under immediate attack by his successor, Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset, uncle of Henry’s heir, the nine-year-old Edward VI. Although Somerset’s attempt to wrest from Earl John––not just a few estates here and there but his entire earldom––ended with his own destruction by his rival the Duke of Northumberland, Robert Dudley’s father, by the time Northumberland himself was executed by Queen Mary and her husband, the soon-to-be King of Spain, it seems that the management of the Oxford estates was already in the hands of local stewards (where it would remain when Oxford chose to spend his life in London).

Nevertheless, by the time the officially Protestant Elizabeth came to the throne, the Oxford earldom, if bled almost dry by feckless earls and greedy monarchs, was still one of the largest, most intrinsically valuable, and most politically important of the ancient English domains. Across the southern end of its western border lay the suburbs of London, while to the east, hundreds of miles of coastland faced those areas on the Continent where the Protestant Reformation was beginning to gain ground both militarily and politically. Any family the seventeenth Earl would marry into would be getting a real plum.

Leicester as Elizabeth’s top military advisor

As his most recent biographer, Simon Adams (2002) proves to the fair-minded, Leicester was far more to Elizabeth, and to the nation, than just the Queen’s number one boyfriend. Though his only official office was Master of the Horse (Cavalry), from the start and until his death in 1588, he was in fact her chief military advisor, responsible for working with those Protestant forces on the Continent gathering to fight the political might of Catholic Spain and the Holy Roman Empire. Towards the end of her brother Edward’s reign, during the 1557 siege of San Quentin in Northern France, the youthful Dudley had became acquainted with some of the more important future leaders in the struggle for control of the region, possibly even with the Prince of Orange himself, which in her eyes, and his also, was enough to qualify him as England’s military leader.

Elizabeth was always inclined to give with one hand and take with the other. While she looked to Dudley as her chief military advisor, she also refused to let him engage personally in any of the battles on the Continent. Her refusal to allow him to travel is often attributed to her love, and although that may have had something to do with it at first, the more lasting reason was an ingrained lack of trust in the ability of men to act wisely if left on their own for too long. When in 1585, following the assassination of the Prince of Orange, the leaderless protestant armies begged Leicester to assume command in person, she agreed, but then soon became hysterical with rage when it seemed to her he was being offered, and was all too willing to accept, far too much power for someone who was supposed to answer to her alone.

While this attitude was most obvious with Leicester, at one time or another, many others (most notably Essex) caused her intense anguish during periods when she could only write them letters that took days to reach them, and many more before she could expect a response. There was very little romance involved, for this anquish was purely political. Elizabeth was wont to change her mind frequently as new and different aspects to whatever was at stake crossed her mind (or were raised by those who remained around her). Because this made it almost impossible for her agents abroad to achieve either military or diplomatic results, few of her ambassadors took off for foreign Courts with any enthusiasm. Though highly educated, the Queen was ignorant of other places and peoples since she never had any opportunity or reason to set foot outside of England. (The same can be said of Burghley; except for a few weeks in Edinburgh in 1560, he had no personal experience of foreign lands or customs.)

So what seems most likely is that during the nine years that Leicester benefitted by the income from the Oxford estates, based on how he would deal later with the many estates permanently granted him by the Queen, because she never allowed him to leave London, he simply left them to continue under local management, and while doubtless glad of the income, it may be that regarding his use of the Oxford estates, he was more interested in the authority this gave him over the English coast to build on his connections with the protestant armies across the Channel than spending time or effort on them.

Certainly Leicester felt no love for the teenaged Earl of Oxford, and some of his dislike may have derived from the fact that Oxford’s inheritance had survived while his own was lost to his father’s ambition, but what is far more evident was his undeniable anxiety over the Queen’s affections. While his own education remains unknown and, despite his record as a great receiver of dedications, he seems never to have shown much interest in their contents, the highly-educated Oxford was actively helping the Queen create a high-minded Court style that she hoped would act as a shining example to the Courts of Europe, and quash their opinion of herself as the Great Whore of Babylon.

Handsome, sexy, talented in ways that contributed to the Queen’s reputation as the nation’s premiere hostess, that in his early years Oxford was repressed by Leicester’s resentment is evident, as is the fact that, despite Leicester, the Queen was so taken with him that he was regarded for a time as her favorite, for, until his fall from favor in 1581 she showed the same disinclination to allow him out of her sight that had kept Leicester glued to her side. On May 11, 1573, Oxford’s friend, young Gilbert Talbot, wrote to his father the Earl of Shrewsbury::

My Lord of Oxford is lately grown into great credit, for the Queen’s Majesty delighteth more in his personage and his dancing and valiantness than any other. I think Sussex doth back him all that he can; if it were not for his fickle head, he would pass any of them shortly. My Lady Burghley unwisely has declared herself, as it were, jealous, which is come to the Queen’s ear, whereat she has been not a little offended with her, but now she is reconciled again.

Rivalry over control of the Stage

Leicester’s jealousy was not only for the Queen’s personal affections, he must also have been unhappy by how the young Earl was taking over as her Court Impresario. Until Sussex came on board in 1571 as Lord Chamberlain of the Household, which among a number of other things, put him in charge of the Court’s entertainments, it had been Leicester to whom she turned for her holiday pleasures. These would have been of the more traditional sort, masquing, banqueting, dancing, and attending musical soirees interspersed with “interludes.” These were brief comedy routines similar to the comedy acts of vaudeville, often performed by the boy choristers from the Cathedral under the direction of Master Sebastian Westcott. Occasionally there would be a full length play of the sort exemplified by Gorbudoc, often enacted by the students from the legal college that Leicester treated as his personal social club, the Inner Temple.

Leicester’s Men

It may be that as Leicester scrambled to provide entertainments that would please her hyper-critical Majesty, he found a capable assistant in one James Burbage. A woodworker by trade, and thus equipped to provide things like stage sets and scaffolding, Burbage may also, due to his membership in the Grocer’s Guild (that Leicester may have arranged for him), have begun his long Stage career by assisting his master with preparations for holiday banquets, which evolved into arranging for their entertainment by the various acting companies then available. Then, with the so-called Vagabond Act of 1572, that required all actors to be licenced as members of a company responsible to a Court patron, preferably a Lord, preferably one on the Privy Council, Leicester became the official patron of Burbage’s team, thenceforth known as Leicester’s Men.

That this was in fact the same team that Burbage would take with him to the Theatre, the public stage that he would help to create in 1576, can be missed by ordinary historians, largely because it’s always recorded in the Revels account as Leicester’s Men. Whether Burbage himself was an actor or simply a gifted producer, it’s likely that it wasn’t long after Oxford’s arrival in London that the energetic craftsman and the Queen’s wunderkind formed the alliance that some fifteen years later would give birth to the London Stage.

Another thing that’s been effaced by the Elizabethan method of record keeping is the fact That Oxford was not only writing the best plays produced at Court during this period, he was also the true patron of a team of his own. Run by the Dutton brothers, it appears in the Court records from 1573 to 1580 as a series of companies under the official patronage of three different patrons, first Sir Robert Lane, then Baron Clinton, then the Earl of Lincoln (Clinton became Earl of Lincoln in 1572), then the Earl of Warwick (Leicester’s older brother), and finally, in 1580, under the Earl of Oxford. (While the record doesn’t make clear that this was not three separate companies, but the same one under different patrons, most recent scholars agree.)

That Oxford hid not only his authorship of plays performed by the various children’s companies, then, under Sussex, also of plays by adult companies, he also hid the fact that one of the top adult companies of the 1570s was functioning under his direction, through their payee, Lawrence Dutton. The only possible reason for waiting until 1580 until they began performing as Oxford’s Men, rather than as they had been doing since 1571, as Clinton’s Men or, while Oxford was away in 1575, as Warwick’s Men, was the enmity of Leicester, something that becomes evident with the fight that occurred at Burbages’ Theatre when the company finally began performing under Oxford’s name.

As described by Alan Nelson (239-41), their first performance as Oxford’s Men created a record of the battle between the actors and certain “gentlemen of the Inns of Court.” While the actors were blamed, and lead actor Lawrence Dutton and another actor were briefly jailed, the aggressors were clearly the “gentlemen,” who also penned a long, nasty poem against the actors (provided in full by Nelson) for having “deserted” their previous patron, the Earl of Warwick. While the particular Inn is never named, that it was the Inner Temple is evident from the fact that Warwick was Leicester’s brother, both members of the Inner Temple. It seems that somehow the company had switched to Warwick during the year that Oxford was in Italy. (Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick, was a sickly man, generally acting as support to his younger brother.) 

While much has been made of the competition between Leicester and the Earl of Sussex, appointed by Elizbeth in 1571 to be her Lord Chamberlain, as their exchanged letters show (Dudley Digges: The Compleat Ambassador), while in fierce disagreement over the Queen’s possible marriage to a foreign prince, most of the time they worked well enough together with the rest of Elizabeth’s advisory team. This consisted chiefly of Burghley, Walsingham, and Sir Thomas Smith, who strove to provide the Queen with a single agreed-upon strategy, thereby avoiding the weeks and months of delay caused by her tendency to vacillate.

Cui bono?

While Oxfordians are inclined to believe the worst about Leicester, it’s important to keep in mind the most likely source of his bad reputation. Leicester’s true adversary at Elizbeth’s Court was never Sussex, it was always, from first to last, William Cecil Lord Burghley, and since right from the start Leicester was Burghley’s chief competitor for the Queen’s attention, it’s to Cecil that we should look when contemplating the truth of the rumors that have given Leicester his bad reputation. It was Burghley who, as Secretary of State, had control of the record, and so could slant history to benefit himself and damage his adversaries. However Tudor historians may choose to trust these rumors, as Adams shows, if the Earl of Leicester was no better than his rivals, he was certainly no worse.

Burghley also had something that no one else had, the team of agents he’d assembled to smell out and quell plots against the Crown, such as the Ridolfi plot in 1571 or the Babington plot of 1586. When seeking the truth behind mysteries like the 1560 death of Leicester’s wife, Amy Robsart, a tragedy that occurred just when it seemed to everyone at Court that Elizabeth was so desperately in love with Dudley that she was sure to be looking for a way that they could marry, it’s well to ask, Cui bono? (Who benefits?) since it was certainly not Leicester, but Burghley who benefitted from the poor creature’s broken neck.

Due to Elizabeth’s obsession with Dudley, she had been giving Cecil the cold shoulder, which, had it continued, would have meant his destruction at the hands of his political enemies. With the disastrous death of her lover’s wife, Elizatbeth found herself accused, both at home and abroad, with having conspired in Amy Robsart’s murder. Forced to arrest Dudley on suspicion, both had no choice but to appeal to Cecil, thus returning him to his place as England’s number one minister of State. Leicester, who, though formally acquitted, would remain forever tainted with the suspicion (for which Cecil was so obviously responsible) and without any real hope of ever marrying the frightened Queen.

Although Leicester managed to deal sufficiently equably with his fellow advisors, his attitude towards Oxford never changed. Doubtless regarding him as Burghley’s patsy, following Oxford’s marriage to Anne Cecil, it seems he dismissed him as an annoyance during the buildup to the Armada. Yet despite his negative attitude toward’s Oxford, Leicester was never so deadly an enemy as were those who came later.

Lord Henry Howard

As was true of most of the descendants of the old nobility that lent the gravitas of tradition to Elizabeth’s Court, Oxford was tied to his many Catholic cousins by centuries of aristocratic cross-breeding. Raised as a Protestant himself, first by one of the primary founders of the Church of England, Sir Thomas Smith, then by William Cecil, whose political energies were focused from the start on mking it certain that England remained Europe’s leading Protestant nation, it seems that, once into his twenties, with no one to say him nay, Oxford began to include within his intimate circle some of those Catholic cousins whose continued adherence to the Church of Rome had cut them off from any hope of advancement. Howard, Oxford’s elder by ten years, was just such an angry, bitter Catholic. The second son of the poet Earl of Surrey, descendant of the once powerful Dukes of Norfolk, he was also Oxford’s first cousin since Henry Howard’s mother, Lady Frances Vere, was Oxford’s father’s sister.

A similar education was another draw. Howard was the only member of the higher nobility much of whose life was spent at the University (Trinity Hall Cambridge). According to his DNB biography, from 1569 on, his “treatises form perhaps the most remarkable body of writings completed by any early Stuart politician with the exception of Sir Francis Bacon.” In language as “Byzantine” as his politics, Howard responded to the shifts in the political wind with tracts adorned, as his biographer put it,”with the elaborate apparatus of Renaissance scholarship.” Much as Oxford used the Stage as a means of acquiring power, Howard labored to rise by bombarding persons of authority with lenghy letters and tracts.

“The evil that men do lives after them”

There was, however, another side to Howard, a wicked side, one that Oxford would come to know to his enduring sorrow. Reputed as having engineered, or at least promoted the 1571 plot to get his older brother, Thomas Howard, 4th Duke of Norfolk, married to the Catholic Queen of Scots (by this means returning his nation to Roman rule), Henry Howard was seen by many as having lured England’s only Duke into committing treason. Another man might have felt remorse keenly enough to have avoided more conspiracies, but not Howard. Years later, having achieved considerable power under King James, his own death barely saved him from having to answer to his culpability in the matter of the murder of the Lord Chamberlain’s servant, Sir Thomas Overbury, the scandal that over a period of some four years took down the entire upper echelon of King James’s Privy Council.

While Oxford was in Italy, Howard, it seems, had managed to install himself within the Cecil household where, posing as Oxford’s personal friend, he could claim to be privy to his travel plans. According to the ugly rumor that would meet Oxford shortly before he returned, Burghley, panicked at having lost sight of his ticket into the peerage during the summer Oxford spent touring the Mediterranean, fearful of his death at the hands of Turkish pirates, had impregnated his own daughter. The clear impossibility of this (as proven by the dates and Oxford’s letters) was not enough to deter Milord from revenging himself on the entire Cecil family), less for Anne’s highly improbable infidelity than for his own desperate need to free himself from Cecil’s suffocating oversight.

According to Elizabeth Jenkins, author of Elizabeth the Great, Oxford “had, it seemed, once told his cousin Lord Henry Howard that if his wife were pregant it would be by some other man,” adding: “Howard hated Burghley as a supplanter of the old nobility, and when the Countess of Oxford was known to be with child, he began to repeat what her husband had said to him”––or more likely, what Howard wanted the Court to believe that Oxford had said to him, Oxford then being too far away to set the record straight. After describing briefly how Anne’s pregnancy became known while Oxford was in Italy, Jenkins adds, “The general knowlege of her pregnancy, combined with the tattle of Lord Henry Howard, meant that Oxford was now talked of as a cuckold” (192). While Jenkins held no brief for Oxford, describing him as having a “bitter and preposterous” temperament, she can be depended upon for having read far more about Elizabeth’s Court than any of her readers.

Furious, less with Anne than with Burghley for allowing the rumor to become “the fable of the world,” as he put it in his 1576 letter to his father-in-law, Oxford, ensconsed in his own haven at Fisher’s Folly, shook off all impediments to his time: wife, baby, in-laws, creditors, and those servants like Anthony Munday that, having come from Burghley, he now saw as spies. With two public theaters soon to open their doors in Shoreditch and Blackfriars, he had plays to write.

How long it took Oxford to realize who it was that had planted the wicked rumor is, of course, impossible to know, but because both Howard’s nature and his reasons for destroying Oxford’s relationship with his in-laws corresponds so perfectly with what Iago does to Othello, it’s hard to deny that, resenting Burghley and others who were blaming his mistreatment of Anne for her death, Oxford eased his soul, as was his lifelong habit, by basing one of his greatest tragedies on the breakup of his marriage, thus providing those who have “ears to hear” with the true motive for what has been described by critics as Iago’s “motiveless malignity.”

There may also be something of Howard in Shakespeare’s depiction of Lady Macbeth as the malicious underling who stirs her morally weaker but politically advantaged relation to commit the felony that will raise her own status. This is much too similar to the way, and for the same reasons, that Howard was believed to have brought about his brother’s ruin, not to have been on Oxford’s mind when he revised the play, first written during his teenaged years when the Queen of Scots behavior was one of the chief issues that Burghley had to deal with during the period that Oxford lived with him at Cecil House. That Howard was seen as a homosexual (according to historians) would have contributed to his portrayal as a female villain, since ambitious women were seen as more likely than men to rely on such underhanded methods to achieve their goals. (Surely two of the three witches are based on Bess of Hardwick and the Countess of Lennox, both thought to have an interest in getting the Queen of Scots on the English throne.)

Destruction by libel

But none of this comes close to the deadly effects of Howard’s revenge. While we can’t know just when Oxford realized who must have created the rumor that destroyed his marriage, we can guess that it would have been sometime before December 1580, when, doubtless spurred by Walsingham, he blew the whistle on Howard and his cohort Charles Arundel for attempting to enroll him in their plot to overthrow the Crown.

As the greater Court community gathered in the Queen’s Presence Chamber in December 1580 in anticipation of the coming Yuletide festivities, Oxford went down on his knee to “confess” to having attended Mass with Howard and Arundel. Bent on enjoying her annual moment of pleasure, the Queen put all three under house arrest so that she could continue to enjoy greeting those members of the Court community whom she rarely saw the rest of the year. While she had Oxford released almost immediately (if he was, as we believe, already her Court Impresario, she would have needed him for the entertainments that were about to follow), she left the two plotters under house arrest with Christopher Hatton, with instructions to Thomas Norton, her enforcer, to grill them as to the truth of Oxford’s accusations.

Meanwhile, Howard and Arundel––who rather stupidly were being housed together––created the series of counter charges, known to history as the Howard-Arundel libels, that have ever since have been the source of Oxford’s blackened reputation. Written by men facing execution for treason, they accused their former patron of everything they could think of, drunkeness, atheism, murder, disrespecting Her Majesty, but most horribly effective as it would eventually turn out, having sex with his pages, something that requires a fuller explanation than there is room for here.

While it’s evident that Elizabeth, who must already have had a poor opinion of the two miscreants, refused to take their charges seriously, such was not the case with the 20th-century historians who were beginning to look more closely at Oxford following Looney’s publication of his Shakespeare credentials. That these libels are the source of the perjoratives invariably added from then on to even the most passing reference to the seventeenth Earl of Oxford, is the only thing that makes sense, since there’s nothing else in the record that can support this universal disdain.

Though the libels remained unpublished until 2002, when the American English Professor Alan Nelson published his negative biography of Oxford, that they were the true source for his bad reputation with 20th-century historians is the only possible cause for their unusually rude treatment of this previously little-known Tudor figure. Located in the Lansdowne and Cotton collections, where they had been preserved for centuries, they constituted a ticking time bomb that would explode following Oxford’s promotion as Shakespeare just as England was experiencing the epidemic of homophobia that destroyed Oscar Wilde and so many others.

Saving the worst for last

This has been a fair bit of history to cover in a single essay, so we’ll leave for another the third and final enemy, the one that sealed our hero’s fate, consigning him to what, if we fail to save him, may turn out to be eternal perdition.


Smith, Oxford, and the Law

It wasn’t until the late 19th century when prestigious members of the English law community pitched in that the Authorship fight got really nasty and the Stratford defenders began circling the wagons. It was no big deal when lady authors and American poets questioned Shakespeare’s identity, but a Dean of the Arches (the judge who presides in the ecclesiastical court of the Archbishop of Canterbury) was another matter. Questions about William’s literacy, why there was no record of him as an actor before he was signed on by the Lord Chamberlain’s Men, why he couldn’t seem to sign his own name with any confidence, might be brushed aside, but the legal arguments were tough for men of laws and logic to ignore.

How could someone of William’s background, son of a wool dealer with no known education or evidence of legal training, know so much about what it had cost them a great deal of money and years of time? Pamphlets by poets and polemicists might pass without notice, but legal stuff leaves paper trails, the kind that don’t get recycled as jar covers or toilet paper. In itself The Law is a form of history, one that contains a record of what a people have seen as right or wrong going back hundreds of years. The history of a nation’s laws is a history of its social progress. Its legal papers are as precious as money; kept safe for reference, they can be lost only through fire or flood. And what makes a particular document legal? Signatures. Had William of Stratford ever worked as a legal clerk he would have signed documents that would still be in existence. In over 200 years of seeking, such a document has never been found. Ergo, to wit: William of Stratford was never a law clerk.

How then did Shakespeare get a legal education of the sort revealed, not only in scenes that accurately represent legal proceedings as happens in a number of his plays, but also in his accurate use of terms, some of them fairly arcane? The only possible answer is that the author could not be, and so was not, “our fellow” William of Stratford. By the turn of the twentieth century, this fact so alarmed the newly instituted university English Departments that they formed a defense team with the History Departments, and together they set about to refute the questioners. Finding themselves incapable of raising a defense on the level of the legal questioners, when logic proved to be all on the other side, they met it with stonewalling, as they continue to do today.

The lawyers who took on the 19th century Shakespeare establishment were no outsiders or ambulance chasers, no radicals out to cause trouble. Lord Penzance, aka Lord Campbell (Chief justice of the Queen’s Bench and eminent legal historian) or Sir George Greenwood, MP,  were advocates of the highest sort, one a conservative peer of the realm, the other a respected liberal knight known known for his passionate and eloquent promotion of animal rights and freedom for India.

The sixteenth century in English law is particularly interesting to legal historians because it represents a watershed in the change from centuries-old feudal methods to the modern system that exists today. The changes during this period were immense, as the nation struggled to switch from feudal Canon (Catholic) Law to something else, a change in which both men who had the heir to the Oxford earldom in their hands during his nonage, Sir Thomas Smith and Lord Burghley, Captain and First Lieutenant in the change of course for the English Ship of State we call the Protestant Reformation.

Sir Thomas Smith and the evolution of English Law

When Henry VIII cut ties with Rome in 1533, Canon (ecclesiastical) Law could no longer be taught at the universities. The obvious choice to replace it was Civil Law, also known as Roman Law, the legal system created by the Emperor Justinian (482-565 AD), that was spread throughout Europe during the Church’s centuries of domination. To this end, the King established the first Regius (King’s) Chair in Civil Law, and chose the rising star at Cambridge University, the 27-year-old Thomas Smith, as its first occupant.

Thus compelled by Royal imperative, the University packed the youthful Smith off to the University of Padua, Europe’s top law school, where he spent a year and a half boning up on Roman law and acquiring the books he would need to teach it. Smith was a polymath, a student of everything, and a fast learner. From then on his primary areas of expertise were Civil Law, Roman History, and the Greek classics, of which he was considered a brilliant teacher, the “flower of the university,” as one colleague put it.

Enter the Duke of Somerset

Following the King’s death in 1547, the nation was ruled for the next two years by his son’s uncle, Edward Seymour Duke of Somerset, a militant Protestant who, in partnership with Henry’s Archbishop, Thomas Cranmer, set about to make Protestantism the law of the land. One of “Protector” Somerset’s first moves was to bring the Cambridge star to Court, to act primarily in a legal capacity, first as his Master of Requests, then as his Principal Secretary, then as Principal Secretary to the King (Edward VI). As Mary Dewar shows by the responsibilities given him upon his arrival, it was Smith’s legal training that brought him to Court (26-7), and since this necessarily required a good deal of policy creation and discussion in Parliament, his reputation as writer and orator was also an attraction.

Several of Smith’s Cambridge colleagues had already been brought to Somerset’s Court, but Smith was certainly considered at that time to be their leader. For the next two years, it was into his hands that Somerset and Archbishop Cranmer put much of the work of bringing the ancient English religious and legal systems into line with Protestant Reformation demands. How much of the writing that created these new laws was Smith’s is still not clear. What is a matter of record, however, is that it was he who got the necessary legislation past both the still mostly Catholic bishops and a fractured Parliament, and in a matter of months, a significant feat at any time, a huge feat at that time of bitter religious controversy.

Why is this not a matter of common knowledge? The Academy, particularly the History Department, has striven ever since the newborn English Department took control of the Shakespeare story, to erase Smith from the record, and not only Smith, but both of his biographers as well.  (A closer look at this flagrant abuse of the historians’ mandate to stick to the truth requires a separate essay.)

Smith is deprived

Then, suddenly, two years after arriving at Court, Smith found himself out of a job when Somerset was ousted by the other members of the “advisory board” in whose hands Henry VIII had left the care and education of his son. It seems that Somerset had not been paying sufficient attention to the deadly ambitions of John Dudley, formerly Earl of Warwick, now Duke of Northumberland (father of the youth who would become Queen Elizabeth’s favorite), or to the restive spirits of the other members of the Council.

Smith would spend the next thirteen years out of office. For eight of those years, 1554-1562, his only official duty was to act as Provost of Eton College, something that gave him plenty of time to devote to the raising and tutoring of the heir to the Oxford earldom, a duty that wouldn’t end until 1562 when the death of the 16th Earl released the twelve-year-old into the custody of the Crown, which left Smith free to be sent to France as Ambassador to the Court of Marie de Medici, a move for which the present ambassador, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, had been pressuring Secretary of State William Cecil for some time, Smith being the leading authority on what was known then as the Elizabethan Settlement, another clue to his role as one of the founders of the English Reformation as he’s portrayed in John Strype’s 1698 biography.

Smith’s library

Smith had all the most important law books in his library. To his dying day he continued to speak and write about techniques for teaching the law, grumbling at what he perceived was the lax attitude of current studies (Dewar 188). Smith was the author of several tracts that have since become essential to our understanding of Elizabethan government and society, among them his Discourse of the Commonweal and Memorandum for the Coinage. His de Republica Anglorum is, as Dewar describes it, “a constitutional classic” (4).

Teaching was second nature to Smith. It would have been impossible for him to have had de Vere under his care for eight years and NOT to have taught him as much as he could about a subject so dear to his heart and so important to one who would someday have legal duties to perform and properties to maintain and defend.

Shakespeare and the Law

Of all those things that Shakespeare shows such surprising knowledge, the most surprising is his knowledge of the Law. He demonstrates his grasp of legal matters again and again in scenes in his plays in which Law is involved, such as the trials in Merchant of Venice and Measure for Measure, or in the opening scene of Henry V where he puts his spin on one of the burning questions of his day: whether women were legally allowed to rule, or in Hamlet where the gravediggers make jokes about the famous case in English jurisprudence known as Hales vs. Petit.

But another and possibly even more perplexing problem (for the orthodox) than how the author obtained his knowledge is the manner in which he used it. Then as now, legal training was expensive and time-consuming. First came law school, then passing the bar, then years of experience in the courtroom, all this before he could be relied upon for the kind of knowledge that Shakespeare throws about with nonchalance, legal terms and principles one of his favorite sources for metaphors, particularly for love and love relationships. His Sonnets are filled with legal tropes.

The earliest Shakespearean scholars readily admitted Shakespeare’s mastery of legal matters, among them Edmund Malone, George Steevens, and Churton Collins, who noted his “minute and undeviating accuracy in a subject where no layman who has indulged in such copious and ostentatious display of legal technicalities has ever yet succeeded in keeping himself from tripping.” More recently however, Shakespeare orthodoxy, battered by demands for answers to questions of authorship and helpless to demonstrate evidence of any legal training, have simply resorted to a flat denial of what the lawyers and early scholars found obvious; a stance that reduces the argument to the level of schoolyard name-calling. What’s the old saw? If the evidence supports your case, stick to the facts; if it supports the opposition, pound the table.

Did Shakespeare set legal precedent in The Merchant of Venice?

Some years ago I happened on a book written first as a paper by a young law student at Princeton, Mark Edwin Andrews. In “Law vs. Equity in The Merchant of Venice,” Andrews holds that Shakespeare produced the play in 1597 as a commentary on an argument in jurisprudence, just reaching its apogee, over which court had primacy, courts of Common Law or courts of Equity. This argument pitted the two highest jurists of the land on either side, Attorney General Edward Coke, soon to become Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, who held that Common Law should hold precedence, and Lord Keeper Ellesmere, soon to become Lord Chancellor, who held for Equity, administered by the Court of Chancery.

This argument had originated centuries earlier with the establishment under Edward III of the Court of Chancery, administered by the Lord Chancellor, as a means of providing recourse for persons who felt their human rights had been violated by a common law ruling. Common Law, based chiefly on property rights, took little no notice of human situations. The two courts grew side by side throughout the centuries until in the late 16th and early 17th century a showdown came about, due largely to the competitive nature of the men on either side of the question.

Portia’s about-face

Andrews holds that in the trial of Antonio, Portia begins by adhering closely to the rules of Common Law, granting Shylock his pound of flesh as though it were simply property to be handed over to the one with the best case, without consideration of the mortal harm its loss would cause the loser. Then, in the famous switcheroo, she evokes the principles of Equity: since following Common Law in this case will cause Antonio harm––death to be precise––Equity must be considered, and so Shylock will lose because it is clear that his sole purpose all along has been to cause Antonio harm. After all, of what practical use to anyone is a pound of human flesh?

Andrews points out that the showdown probably began in 1597 when Lord Keeper Ellesmere called Parliament into session, announcing in his opening speech his intention to revamp the legal system. Andrews suggests that it was for the lawyers and parliamentarians that gathered in the autumn of 1597 for this meeting of Parliament that Shakespeare produced his Merchant of Venice.

It has been our belief for some time that Shakespeare’s primary audience, the one for whom he wrote his most erudite and penetrating works, were the “gentlemen” of the Inns of Court, located in Westminster, now London’s West End. Although his lighter plays were written for Court holidays and weddings, serious plays like Hamlet, Othello, Measure for Measure, Coriolanus, Julius Caesar and Merchant of Venice were aimed at this highly-educated, primarily masculine audience. These Westminster lawyers, trained in history, rhetoric and logic, could appreciate the full power of his thinking. To them he could speak his most profound thoughts without fear of confusing or offending; and it was for them, of course, that he could indulge himself in the most laughable legal puns and metaphors. If we wish to determine which plays were written originally for this audience, I believe we’ll discover this easily by locating those that contain the most legal imagery.

The most likely theater for this audience was the First Blackfriars Theater located just inside the City Wall on the river, a short walk from the legal district of the Inns of Court, which lay a stone’s throw to the west on the far side of the City Wall. Not until well into the 17th century would there be another theater this close to the West End. Once we can delve more deeply into the history of Blackfriars I believe that we will find that, despite its official closure in 1584, Oxford continued to use it possibly beginning as early as 1570 and continuing off and on (more discreetly after 1584) until 1590.

Oxford, Smith, and the Law

Living with Smith for the better part of eight years, there can be no doubt that, along with language arts, Greek philosophy, history, horticulture, astrology, medicine, hunting and hawking, de Vere was imbued with the basic principles of Law, both English and Continental. Steeped in the ancient beliefs of Plato and Aristotle that the only way to achieve good government was to train the aristocracy in youth, he would have been diligent in his duty even had he not been the enthusiastic teacher that he was reputed to be. And even the most sluggish of students could hardly help but learn in such a circumstance, and we know from contemporary comment that de Vere was regarded as an eager scholar. The handful of comments we have about Oxford by his contemporaries mention more than once his interest in subjects relating to good government.

That Oxford failed to use his legal knowledge to maintain and increase his inherited property does not mean he didn’t use it at all. Never given the opportunity to use his knowledge of the Law, history, and government theory in some aboveboard service of his country, he used it to capture the hearts and inform the minds of the English legal establishment by comparing it to a thousand homely and deeply understood human situations, many of them illustrated by well-known historical events. This sufficiently explains, to my mind at least, why we find Shakespeare comparing a kiss to a contract sealed by lovers’ lips, among numerous other comparisons that might seem ridiculously arcane and far-fetched if we weren’t so lost in admiration of his language.

Oxford’s horoscope

I see from my page of stats that many of my readers have been reading my essay on Oxford and Astrology, so I thought it might be of interest to dig into his chart. A basic natal chart consists of three things, location in space re longitude and latitude, location in time re month and year, and the time of day. With Oxford we can be certain about the first two, but, as is often the case, there’s no nothing on what time of day he was born, so if it’s to be useful, such a chart must be “rectified.” There are many techniques for this; mine may be rather unusual, but it seems to have worked, as it fits him to a T.Oxford's natal chart

We also know from many hints throughout the plays that Oxford took Astrology seriously. When stopped on the road leading to Dover, having learned that his mistress had just given birth to his son in one of the Queen’s chambers, dreading what he knew would be jail time at least and probably much worse, as Alan Nelson reports (Monstrous Adversary, 268), his rather lame excuse for running away was that he could see from his “nativity,” that trouble was coming his way. It would seem the “nativity” was accurate, since the unfortunate appearance of the infant ended his father’s golden years at Court.

Oxford was living at a time when the ancient interest in the stars had begun to shift from Astrology to Astronomy. A growing suspicion that Astrology might be nothing but pagan superstition, plus a rising evangelical prejudice against anything that didn’t confirm the Christian Bible, the West was beginning to question the validity of Astrology, which doesn’t mean that a great many scientific-minded individuals were not ready to reject it. That Oxford’s tutor, Sir Thomas Smith, was fascinated with it is clear from what his biographers tell us, and from the fact that he owned the kind of professional books of star locations known as ephemerides, needed for casting horoscopes, goes far to explain the almost professional depth of the astrological knowledge revealed in Shakespeare.

But Oxford’s chart would not have been the one we have today, since it would not have included the outer planets, Uranus, Neptune, and Pluto. Because what was known at that time was still limited to the seven that could be seen by the naked eye, for astronomers over the centuries up to the sixteenth, knowledge of the planets ended with Saturn, source of the many references to the “seven turning lights,” the so-called “Seventh Seal,”  The Seven Pillars of Wisdom by T.E. Lawrence, or lines like these from The Rubiyat of Omar Khayam (trans. Edward Fitzgerald):

Up from Earth’s centre, through the Seventh Gate
I rose, and on the Throne of Saturn sate;
And many a Knot unravel’d by the Road;
But not the Master-knot of Human Fate.

It was, of course, the philosophical attempt to “unravel” that “Master-knot” that led men like Khayam, Smith, and Shakespeare to study Astrology. Known to its followers as “the Mother of all Sciences,” Astrology stands at the center of all systems, which, following the European Renaissance, branched out during the Early Modern period into separate sciences: mathematics, astronomy, music, chemistry, pharmacology, animal behavior, history/myth, etcetera.

As the central pillar of the Wisdom Tradition, it came to England originally from the Middle East with the return of the Crusaders, from the lands around the Mediterranean whose languages shared a common basis in Latin, and many also in Greek. The earliest record of the Tradition in the West begins with Pythagoras, then to Socrates via Plato, then to the Renaissance and the Florentine neoplatonist, Marsilio Ficino, who, born into Catholicism, was forced to wrestle with the knotty problem of reconciling Plato with St. Augustine.  But I digress.

Oxford must have felt rather badly about his horoscope, for it’s these three as yet undiscovered planets, particularly Neptune and Uranus, that reveal the dynamic power of the moment when he ventured into the world plane. Without these, it seemed that all his planets but Venus were located below the horizon, with Venus only a few degrees above it in the 7th house, signifying a life lived outside public notice, ineffective in the wider world of public events, a life buried in local concerns, which, interestingly, is where he’s been located ever since by History, and where the public must have seen him, or rather not seen him, over a lifetime spent hiding his connection to the London Stage. Perhaps it’s this, contrasted with the driving force of his mission to educate and empower his audiences, that made him question the truth of Astrology through things like the fate of Brutus or its dismissal by a villain like Edmund in King Lear.

With Uranus located at the highest point in his chart, the Midheaven, increased in power by its conjunction to the Moon’s North Node, rather than remain forever unknown to a wider world, Oxford not only qualifies as a potential genius, but one whose posthumous reputation must eventually be spread to all levels of renown (the 10th house rules the posthumous reputation). While Uranus has only one strong aspect, a trine to Jupiter, because the latter is in the 6th house within four degrees of the cusp of the 7th, the house of partnerships, it signifies support from powerful patrons that, throughout his life, proved essential to the Bard’s protection and survival.

That all the rest of his planets are tightly contained within a trine from Venus to Saturn suggests one whose life, for the most part, was closely contained within a tight circle of friends and interests. That his main interest is writing is suggested by the four planets in the 3rd house of communications, siblings, friends, and short trips; his one long trip, his year in Italy exploring the Mediterranean, indicated by the fact that only Uranus, in the 9th house of long distance travel and higher education, falls outside this tight little group.

That the bundle formed by the rest of his planets is led by Venus speaks to Love as the central theme of all his work, the force that carried him through the dark days (represented by their aspects to Saturn and Pluto in the third), and that his national audiences felt for him as the creator of their happiest moments, though most were unaware of his identity. His 3rd house, one of the biggest in his chart (due to England’s location so far from the equator, containing all of both Aquarius and Pisces) as the house of close friends and relations and personal communications, is the only one located on the left side of the chart, the side of personal strengths and energies, as opposed to the majority on the right side, reactions to outer forces.

With the addition of Neptune (not discovered until 1846) we learn a great deal about our man, for this most artistic and emotionally attuned to nature of all aspects is conjunct his Sun. The sign of one who is attracted to music, often to a career in music, it also suggests his attraction to the sea and to large bodies of water: the Thames, where he spent his childhood, and the Mediterranean, where he spent the most exciting and rewarding year of his life. Located in the 5th house of sexual relationships and creative efforts, it defines the nature of his works, the subtle weaving of meaning, feeling, sound and image that has set such a high bar for all English-speaking poets and playwrights ever since. Neptune conjunct the Sun often defines one who will sacrifice everything for his or her art, or one who has a hard time dealing with the more mundane aspects of life, things like earning a living and paying the mortgage. Such people tend to let others deal with such things, but they are usually so charming that this presents no serious problem.

Most interesting of all, however, may be the tight conjunction of his Moon with Mars in Pisces. With a fish as its glyph and the sea god Neptune as its ruler, the sign Pisces signifies how forms and structures tend to disappear in a world of perpetual change. Pisceans tend to prefer staying out of harm’s way, working behind the scenes, vanishing beneath the surface when trouble threatens. It is a good place for the Moon, but where the Moon is so closely tied to Mars, the planet of anger and violence, the emotions intensify to such a degree that they must be released. Thus, when driven by fury at the Queen and Burghley, rather than plotting with his Catholic cousins to overthrow the government, Oxford takes his revenge by writing Hamlet, Timon, Julius Caesar, and Coriolanus.

There is a great deal more to be said about this chart as a means of understanding both Oxford and Shakespeare, but these are some of the most important points, in particular the hope offered by that powerful outlier, Uranus on the cusp of the tenth, that he will eventually be seen as, not just the author of the Shakespeare canon, but as the founder of today’s modern media, the all important Fourth Estate of a civilized government. It encourages us to keep at it. Our day will come, and so will his.

Oxford and the birth of the modern Media.

As a nightbird, I see some old films on TCM that I might not remember from younger days. This morning I got in on the end of Park Row, a tough look from 1952 at the battle for the truth that has been the story of the Media from its very beginnings. It follows a newspaper publisher who takes on a corrupt big city establishment, a story that, though fictional, is true of the larger issue, the role played by newspapermen and women in creating what history has termed the Fourth Estate of Government, the voice of the people. The Media and its fight for the truth has been the subject of a thousand films, a favorite since film itself joined the Media’s fight to present the truth to a public willing to pay attention. The People do not make the newspapers, but they read them, or they used to read them before television took over, and in a democracy they vote, or they used to vote, based on what they read in the newspapers. While the battle has shifted from the page to the screen, the Media’s fight to reveal the truth about corruption at the highest levels is still the same as it has been since the very beginning, bitter, violent, and dangerous.

But what and when was that beginning?

When did what we call the Media begin? If it’s possible to locate, on a timeline of historical events, the moment that we could claim as the birth of the modern Media, the moment when the means first arose by which the attention of an entire community could be commanded in a single shot, it would be that moment in the late spring of 1576 when the door first opened to the first and until then the only purpose-built public theater in England, possibly in all of northern Europe, the one built by James Burbage in a suburb of London, the one he named The Theatre.

Used by Shakespeare and other playwrights to influence, for the first time in history, not just the Court, not just the handful of citizens who could read, not just those with time to kill in taverns and in the aisles at St. Paul’s Cathedral listening for whispered gossip, but for anyone who could afford the price of a loaf of bread. From then on, from four to six pm in the afternoon every day of the week but Sunday, the Burbages were packing them in, for twenty years, sometimes as many as 2500 at a time, particularly if the show was something new, something popular, sometimes so popular that many were willing to pay to see it again. And although the “groundlings” were, as Hamlet opines, “capable of nothing but dumb shows and noise,” his author used this and subsequent stages to teach this uneducated audience the history of their nation, their kings and queens, their heroes and villains.  He did this in a new form of English, rich in nuance and pleasing to the ear, which then––much as Radio English spread in the twentieth century––was spread to the far corners of the nation by actors on tour and visitors returning from the City.

By 1604, when the version of Hamlet was first published that would be closest to the one we know from 1623, the beloved Prince could state with confidence that plays were “the abstract and brief chronicles of the time.” In other words, his plays were what today we call the Media. Even while the left-brained university fools persist in misplacing them in time, once located where they belong, it soon becomes possible to show how each reflects the events and zeitgeist of a particular moment in Elizabethan history. Although plays like Hamlet, Love’s Labours Lost, and The Tempest were revised more than once over the career of the author, something that can confuse their origins, it’s generally not too difficult, working from the characters, the style, the syntax and the plot, to locate within a few years that moment when certain events first inspired the genius who created them.

And if, as we hope we have come as close to proving as is possible, given the absence of so much important evidence, he was also responsible for the building of the theaters that made it possible to awaken the public to these matters, we feel certain that we have also accurately traced the moment in time when the modern Media was born, the summer of 1576, following the arrival in England of the twenty-six-year old Earl of Oxford, back from his year of watching the Commedia dell’Arte in Venice, and examining their wooden stages.

Gather ye scandals while ye may

Returning for the moment to the truth about Elizabeth’s sex life: grievous as it must have been for her as a woman to have her favorite, Robert Dudley, placed under house arrest following the death of his wife Amy Robsart, the scandal it caused was probably a blessing in disguise for her politically, as it saved her from the marriage that, given the Reformation nature of the Court, must necessarily have followed quickly had she slept with him. Had she done so, everyone at Court would have known it within minutes, and if somehow they missed it, or they couldn’t be sure, Dudley himself would certainly have found a way to let them know. At a Court where morality was a constant issue and no one had any privacy, for the unmarried queen to have slept with a courtier would have required an immediate wedding, if not to Dudley (who, lest we forget, was already married), then to some other candidate for her hand.

Once past that watershed, there was no possibility that Elizabeth, given her history, would ever again get so close to intercourse. Alfred Kinsey offers evidence from his exhaustive clinical studies and interviews with American women in the 1950s––an era not quite so repressive as Elizabeth’s, but far more so than it would become once The Pill launched the so-called sexual revolution of the “swinging sixties.” In the 1950s of Kinsey’s era:

At forty-five years of age there were still 15 percent of the devout Protestant females who had never experienced orgasm in their lives, but only 5 percent of the inactive [not devout] Protestants who belonged in that category. . . There seems to be no doubt that the moral restraints which lead a female to avoid sexual contacts before marriage, and to inhibit her responses when she does make contacts, may also affect her capacity to respond erotically later in her life. (516)

In Elizabeth’s case, her restraint had nothing to do with piety. Biographers Elizabeth Jenkins and Anne Somerset, after studying the heaps of documents that bear on the Elizabethan reign, bold hold that the Seymour affair caused permanent damage to her psycho-sexual development. Thomas Seymour’s overbold flirtation, followed by the horrors of his trial and execution, not to mention her own ordeal by the third degree to which she was subjected by Somerset, took place at that most sensitive moment in a girl’s development when, as Kinsey describes, her body had become that of a woman but her ability to respond sexually was still not fully formed. Of mature unmarried women with no experience of orgasm, Kinsey says:

Many of them were sexually responsive enough, but they were inhibited, chiefly by their moral training [as Protestants] and had not allowed themselves to respond to the point of orgasm. Many of them had been psychologically disturbed as a result of this blockage of their sexual responses. (526)

“Gather ye rosebuds while ye may”

As so many poets of the time would express during her reign, the springtime of life must be experienced before it passes by, or flowers die on the vine before pollination and fruition can take place. Kinsey makes what may be the most important point where our interest in Elizabeth is concerned:

All of these females . . . were limited in their understanding of the nature of sexual responses and orgasm, and many of them seemed unable to comprehend what sexual activity could mean to other persons. They disapproved of the sexual activities of females who had high rates of outlet [satisfaction] and they were particularly incapable of understanding the rates of response which we have reported for the males in the population. . . . When such frustrated or sexually unresponsive, unmarried females attempt to direct the behavior of other persons, they may do considerable damage. (our emphasis)

As many at Court would have agreed. Elizabeth’s biographer Anne Somerset describes her attitude towards her ladies-in-waiting:

Ideally Elizabeth would have preferred it if more of her female attendants had followed the example of ladies such as Blanche Parry and Mary Radcliffe and remained single. Not only did she resent the upheavals that her ladies’ marriages caused in her own domestic arangements . . . but she failed to see why they needed the fulfilment of family life any more than she did. She would “much exhort all her women to remain in virgin state as much as may be,” and even on those occasions when she pretended that she would not mind if they married and asked her ladies if they had anyone in mind, “the wise ones did well conceal their liking thereto, as knowing the Queen’s judgement in this matter.” (346-7)

Elizabeth’s ignorance when it came to the emotional realities of marriage and family life can be seen in her amazingly naive idea of 1563 that the problem of Mary Queen of Scots could be solved by persuading her to marry her own favorite, Dudley (not yet Earl of Leicester, a title she gave him so that he’d be legally able to marry one so high above him in rank). As explained by another biographer, since she couldn’t marry him herself, she would take care of him in this way, and her sister Queen as well. It’s rather sad.

Most significant is the intensity of her rage when some member of the Court was caught either having sex or marrying without her permission (348). It’s one thing to get cross with a couple who know they need her permission and don’t ask for it, or who endanger the Court’s reputation with careless behavior. It’s another to throw them in the Tower, using jailors to keep them separated, leaving them there to rot, for months, even years. Doubtless some of this was calculated to maintain control, but still, would a woman who herself had had, or was having, adult sexual relations for pleasure, carry these tantrums to the extremes that she did?

Not only did she hate to see her courtiers pair off, either sexually or as marriage partners, she was ice cold to normal family needs, refusing to allow ambassadors to return to their families after they’d been abroad for years, making decisions that separated couples and family members, and looking for any excuse to refuse the wives of her favorite male courtiers access to Court society. Her time was one that did not pay much attention to what we think of as family bonding, but Elizabeth took this to extremes. Neither sexual nor family needs were in her vocabulary.

Another symptom of her negativity towards marriage and family was her determination that Protestant clergymen remain unmarried. Obtaining the right to marry and have legitimate children was one of the leading reasons why many Catholic clergymen were willing to join the Protestant revolution. Had her reasons been political, she would surely have yielded on a point that was so obviously politically expedient. Why should she care whether or not these men married?   But she was undetered, refusing to promote those who were married, while she favored both courtiers and clergymen who remained unmarried, giving them top spots in her government while sending the married men off to foreign embassies, which in many cases meant separating them from their wives and children.

Lovely lads

Historians tell us that Elizabeth had many “favorites,” but we mustn’t assume that a favorite was a lover (the Elizabethans often use the word lover to mean a particularly close friend and the word friend to mean what we mean by lover). Accepting that Dudley played a signficantly different role in her life, Elizabeth’s other favorites were more like protégés, particularly as she got older––good to look at, fun to talk to, and above all, good dancers. The estates and lucrative monopolies she bestowed on them were less gestures of affection than bonds to keep them by her side and, not least, to keep them out of the marriage market. And God help them if they strayed!

What confuses historians is the fantasy of courtship that she required, not only from her favorites, but from almost any man in search of a post or a favor. Peculiar as it may seem to us today, this was largely a function of the times, a vestigial remain of the medieval tradition of Courtly Love, the unselfish devotion of a knight to a lady who outranks him. The billing and cooing that this required, much of it in the form of coy love notes, lavish gifts of jewelry and clothing, poems, and eloquent dedications. She hugely enjoyed her political courtships with Continental princes, in the case of her last, the Duc d’Alençon, dragging it out for over a decade (Somerset Ladies 72).

Throughout her career she was inclined to respond positively to the kind of tactics that most adults would regard as an invitation to intimacy, but with her this was no more than a charade indulged in purely for pleasure and, in the case of a genuine suitor, intended to keep him interested for as long as possible. The pleasure was all in the prologue, which was all there was and all there could ever be.

That Elizabeth greatly appreciated masculine beauty is reflected in the good looks of the men around her, Dudley, Oxford, Hatton, Raleigh, Sidney, Southampton and many others. These may have had other accomplishments to offer, but their looks were certainly important. At Elizabeth’s Court, masculine beauty far outshone the feminine, a situation that Elizabeth controlled by giving grief to any female who dared to dress more luxuriously than herself, and by requiring that her Maids of Honor all dress in white as backdrop to her own peacock array. While women were covered with fabric from head to toe, with great bulky sleeves and skirts, men’s bodies, though covered, were far more obvious, particularly their legs. During a period known to geologists as the “little ice age,” the legs of the younger men were covered only with tight hose, topped with snug little jackets, not much there to keep warm as they stood about in the cold rooms of the palace. No wonder there was so much dancing!

Marriage yes, sex no

Of course there have been queens who had lovers. Catherine the Great of Russia was one that we know about, Marguerite de Valois another, but their circumstances were very different from Elizabeth’s. Both had powerful family connections to rely on, while Elizabeth, with no close relations to any of the great pan-European ruling families and without brothers or uncles more powerful than herself, was in an extremely weak position from the start. Her father’s family saw her as an upstart, even a bastard, while her mother’s family, the Howards, most of them Catholics, were more inclined to plot against her than to support her.

In addition, both the Russian and French queens flourished at courts where promiscuity was open and rampant, a lifestyle that even had Elizabeth been so inclined, her evangelical ministers would never have tolerated. Raised from birth in households dependent on the Court, she knew all too well its capacity for rumor. She knew that if she ever had sex with Dudley, or Hatton, or Oxford, or Raleigh, or any of her so-called favorites, someone would know about it, and so intense was the scrutiny under which she functioned, so important was it to defy the rumors, both at home and abroad, of the notorious sexuality of this Protestant “Whore of Babylon” and the gazillion bastards she was supposed to have borne in secret, that as the major promoter of Protestantism abroad, even had she wished otherwise, she simply had no choice.

As social historian Lawrence Stone informs us, today’s concept of privacy was unknown to the Elizabethans (6). Elizabeth rarely slept alone; in fact, neither she nor any monarch ever did anything completely alone. For purposes of security there was always someone near enough to her to hear if there was any kind of trouble, or, if she wished to be by herself, someone close enough to keep an eye on her. Her retainers would have been acutely aware of any substantial amount of time spent alone with anyone but her oldest and hoariest ministers. In addition, the women who surrounded her were the wives, sisters, and daughters of the men who ran her Court and the nation. For their sakes as well as her own, she could not afford to do anything that would tempt them to reveal things that were damaging to her reputation or authority.

Beware the “monstrous regiment of women”

For Elizabeth, it was absolutely imperative that she retain the respect of her Privy Council. They need not love her; they need not even like her; but they had to respect her. If she lost their respect she would find herself isolated, a danger she could not risk. Had she been a male her sex life would have been of small concern to the Council. As a woman, one whose duty it was to marry and produce a legitimate heir to the throne, anything that threatened this scenario would have been a disaster, certainly for her and possibly for them as well.

Francis Osborne in his Memoirs (1658) quotes Henri IV of France as saying that there were three things that people thought false that he knew to be true: that contrary to opinion, the Prince of Orange was a great general, that he himself was a true Catholic, and that the Queen of England was a virgin (Chamberlin 194). Henri was the brother-in-law of Elizabeth’s last princely suitor, the Duc d’Alençon. Because he was a legal suitor, she was able to spend many hours alone with him, soon becoming very fond of this small, ugly, unthreatening man, many years younger than herself, so fond that she may well have fooled even herself, however briefly, as to her intentions to marry.

Family members don’t always get along, certainly Navarre and d’Alençon did not, but they are also inclined, at moments when they are together, to exchange the kind of information that they might not share with others. Navarre would have been interested in anything his brother had to tell him about the Queen whose friendship he so badly needed (while posing as a Protestant, he continually sent her envoys begging her for loans), particularly since he himself had once been considered as a candidate for her hand.

“God sent us our Elizabeth” 

The Queen of England may have lacked support from the Establishment of European Royalty, but she more than made up for it by the support of her people. Absent the backing of a powerful family network like the Hapsburgs, the Valois or the Medici, her main source of support was the vast hordes of English commoners. During Mary’s reign, her popularity with the people was the major factor in her sister’s hatred. That she was “married to her people” was one of her favorite excuses for not marrying.

The feeling was mutual. To her people the queen would always be the golden-haired angel whose coronation ended the years of imprisonments, torture, burnings and exile. During the early days of her reign, a poem known as “The Register,” that listed the horrors of the burnings during Mary’s reign, ended each verse with the refrain: “After these were burned to death, we prayed for our Elizabeth.” The final verse that listed the last of the burnings, ended with the line: “And after these were burned to death, God sent us our Elizabeth.” Evidence of their love can be found in the many affectionate Mother Goose rhymes about Lizzie, Betty or Bess. Yet, although her people wanted her to be happy and to provide the nation with an heir (or two), at some level they were pleased by her virginity, for had she married, their vision of her would be forced to change, as happened to her sister following Mary’s marriage to Philip of Spain. She knew from Mary Queen of Scots (and many other examples) that, should she give birth to the all-important heir, how their interest would shift immediately from herself to her son.

She was also aware that in a nation so bitterly divided over religion and regional interests, she would never be able to please all, or even half of her people through politics alone. Elizabeth’s purity was a story they bought into when they first came to know her as a child. They had watched as she bore with courage and dignity the cruelties perpetrated on her, first by her father, then by Protector Somerset, and finally by her sister. Despite all the rumors of sex with Seymour and the curse of bastardy, they continued to believe in her, and would continue, that is, so long as there was never any proof that she was otherwise.

The people were also her refuge from the tyranny of her Privy Council. If they wanted her to do something she didn’t want to do, whenever possible she would use her people’s love against them. To them she must remain their golden-haired princess, long after the real hair under the red wig had turned sparse and gray. By 1573 she had seen how even a queen from a powerful family like Mary Queen of Scots was treated by her once loyal people after she made the mistake of marrying a man they didn’t like. By not marrying, though it drove her ministers crazy, Elizabeth was able to keep that most valuable weapon in the political battles she had to fight over the years, the undying love of her people.

Playing the marriage card

As canny a politician as ever lived, Elizabeth hadn’t been in the top power seat for long before she realized that, when it came to the masculine arena of international politics, her sex did give her one great benefit. Where other royal females had to marry men chosen by their fathers and brothers, because she was (legally) free to choose for herself, she had something to offer that no male monarch could provide. While marriage to a male monarch could offer only an alliance, marriage to Elizabeth was seen by the princes of Europe as a potential means of adding England to their sphere of influence. This of course would have been a problem for England, but only if she actually married one of them.

The reality was that as long as she remained unmarried, what she did and said may have carried more weight than it would had she been a king. As a queen of marriageable age, one who had, not just an alliance, but conceivably a throne to offer, she wielded a kind of power at the royal courts of Europe that only an unmarried female monarch could. For a good many years it was chiefly this Royal Ace that kept Spain from attacking England and France from invading Scotland. It helped make Sweden and Russia willing to negotiate treaties and trade alliances, and kept them from forming similar alliances with her rivals.

Of course, time would eventually run out for her in this royal shell game, as of course she knew it would. Nevertheless, by careful negotiation, by enveloping herself in pearls and cloth of gold for the portraits that were all most of her people and all members of foreign courts would ever see of her, and by surrounding herself with an attractive entourage at a Court where envoys and ambassadors knew they could always find good entertainment, she managed to keep the game going for almost two decades, giving England time to build a navy, secure its borders, and consolidate most of the nation in a vigorous Protestant lifestyle. Largely as a result of this pretense at royal dalliance, when Spain finally attacked in 1588, England was ready.

The White Goddess

The 16th century in Europe is often referred to as the Age of Queens. With Mary Queen of Scots in Scotland, Elizabeth in England, and Marie de Medici in France, women appeared to rule much of Europe. As suggested by the opening scene in Henry V, this was as much a worry to the Renaissance Church as it had been to the war lords of the Middle Ages. But on a deeply emotional level, a much older if generally silent attitude towards a female in power deafened her rural constituents to the shrieks and howls of anti-feminists like John Knox and Pope Gregory.

It was ages since the patriarchal kingdoms and religions had supplanted the earliest religion, the one that worshipped the Great Mother, the central deity in the Stone Age rituals of tribal Europe. But behind the threats of an angry Reformation God, of Jehovah or Zeus or Mithras, behind her portrayals by the patriarchs as raging Juno, the furious Eumenides, or the Medusa whose face turned men to stone, the sense of a magical mother of men lingered deep in the hearts of ordinary people, particularly in rural areas where they were still dependent on the earth for survival, and where they continued, with May Day rituals like the maypole, to worship the Mary hidden in words like May Day (Mary’s Day), “merry-making,” and marriage.

In the British Isles the Goddess was known by many names, most recently the Virgin Mary and St. Brigid, but long before them by assorted Celtic and Frankish names. She dwells at the silent heart of the ancient mysteries, and of the legends of the Holy Grail sought by Parsifal and Galihad. As Diana, Cynthia, Astraea, or Phoebe, ancient goddesses of the moon and the hunt, the poets of the Renaissance resurrected her as Elizabeth in hundreds of paintings, poems, and plays while artists arrayed her in splendors that drew upon prehistoric racial memories. The modern English poet and mythologist, Robert Graves, based his great study of the role of British mythology in English literature, on a being he describes as

a lovely, slender woman with a hooked nose, deathly pale face, lips as red as rowan berries, startlingly blue eyes and long fair hair; she will suddenly transform herself into sow, mare, bitch, vixen, she-ass, weasel, serpent, owl, she-wolf, tigress, mermaid or loathsome hag. Her names and titles are innumerable. In ghost stories she often figures as “the White Lady, “ and in ancient religions, from the British Isles to the Caucasus, as “the White Goddess.” I cannot think of any true poet from Homer onwards who has not independently recorded his experience of her. The test of a poet’s vision, one might say, is the accuracy of his portrayal of the White Goddess and of the island over which she rules. (24)

Now who does that sound like? (All but the blue eyes––Elizabeth’s were gray.) And no, Graves was not thinking of Elizabeth when he wrote it, but that it sounds so much like her helps to explain why she meant so much to her people, who, tapping into a shared if attavistic memory must have felt that they had known Her forever, and that, unlike Arthur, who remained in Avalon, She had returned to protect them. Elizabeth was all too human, but for a nation shaking with the tremors of great changes in a world view terrifyingly expanded by Copernicus, it was easy for the superstitious country folk who knew nothing of her personally to see in her something of the great goddesses of yore, something she knew instinctively that she would lose should she marry.

Thus Elizabeth, with the survival instincts that kept her reign intact for four decades, understood that by remaining unmarried she roused in the hearts of the country folk who were her most dedicated supporters, their subconscious devotion to the Ideal Feminine, the Great Goddess, lover and mother of mortal men, but not bound by them or to them. With the help of her poets, songwriters, and artists, she simply did an end run around Knox and Calvin, cheerfully acknowledging the artists who painted her and the poets who made her era one of the most famous in literary history.

Surrounded by her maids-of-honor and ladies-in-waiting, many of them unmarried (or seeming so), for poets and artists it was easy to portray her as Diana, goddess of the hunt, with her corps of virginal nymphs. Any reference to the Moon, beautiful but distant, was seen as a reference to Elizabeth. The myth of Actaeon, who made the mistake of coming upon Diana in the altogether, for which he was turned into a stag and hunted to death by his own dogs, sent the message: “look but don’t touch.”

As she left her marriageable years, portraits of her, loaded with goddess and imperial symbolism, were created and made available to those who wished to have copies made for themselves, thus spreading the goddess image throughout the nation. To keep the marriage card in play, to continue with the charade of being wooed by the great princes of Europe, was part and parcel of the Elizabethan mythology. Had she allowed one of these suits to end with a marriage would have meant a quick finish to the myth and all that went with it.

Evoking the Faerie Queene

Famed for its entertainment, for us today the image of Elizabeth’s Court comes closest to that of musical theater, with the queen as a regally attired diva surrounded by her corps of male dancers, her chorus of maidens all dressed alike. The ballet has preserved the styles of this era for all time, the males in tights and little jackets, the females all in white with great full skirts.

This was the show, but what about backstage? Most Renaissance courts were less than moral, some virtual sinks of sexual license, the almost inevitable result of an environment where scores of well-fed, attractive individuals have little to do but get dressed in the latest styles, drink to excess, gamble, gossip, plot, and urge suits to benefit themselves and their clients. Elizabeth’s Court was no different, that is, in everything but drunkeness and sexual license. In this it could not have been more unique.

The philandering of Church officials was one of England’s chief reasons for breaking with Rome and the Empire, one they used with effect in discussions with the other nations of Europe. With this and with the puritanical City fathers keeping watch, sobriety and morality were an absolute necessity. Elizabeth insisted upon it, her clergy preached it, and the most loyal members of her household were drawn from the strictest members of the Protestant establishment. Of course there were exceptions, we’re aware of some and no doubt there were many that escaped report, but when compared with the usual behavior of court societies, Elizabeth’s was marvelously well-behaved.

What an interesting dichotomy. Here was a Court where sexuality was forbidden, where the Queen saw to it that sex was as difficult as possible even for married couples, yet unlike the kind of gloomy, haunted environment that Philip II created at the Escorial in Spain, his strict piety forbidding any show of pleasure, for many years, Elizabeth’s Court was filled with music, dancing, and laughter. Flirtation was fine, just so long as it didn’t lead to anything more. The result was that the energy that otherwise would have gone ito private sexual assignations, went instead into the rituals of flirtation. Since nothing else could happen, the glances, sighs, love songs and poems that documented the sensations of lovemaking, expanded the rituals of flirtation to fill the time that, for less repressed environments, would have been devoted to sexual fulfilment. Such a climate also fosters efforts to discover romantic secrets, to intercept meaningful glances, to grasp through hints what at other courts was openly displayed, who was in love with whom, an atmosphere described in the poem Ann Vavasor wrote to Oxford when the Queen forced them to part:

Thou seest we live amongst the lynx’s eyes,
That pries and spies each privy thought of mind;
Thou knowest right well what sorrows may arise
If once they chance my settled looks to find.

Content thyself that once I made an oath
To shield myself in shroud of honest shame;
And when thou list, make trial of my troth,
So that thou save the honor of my name. . . .

We silly dames, that false suspect do fear,
And live within the mouth of envy’s lake,
Must in our hearts a secret meaning bear,
Far from the show that outwardly we make.

So where I like, I list not vaunt my love;
Where I desire, there must I feign debate.
One hath my hand, another hath my glove,
But he my heart whom most I seem to hate. . . .

As all novelists are aware, the romantic passion that feeds on adversity, dies with security. There is no greater stimulus to desire than anticipation, no greater damper than satiety. Where a community of several hundred souls spend their days in an atmosphere of permanently unsatisfied excitement, like work to the workaholic, Desire becomes an end in itself. The repressive atmosphere at Elizabeth’s Court had a great deal to do with the upsurge of poetry that occurred during her reign, culminating in superb works of frustration such as Sidney’s Astrophil and Stella, Shakespeare’s Venus and Adonis, Raleigh’s Cynthia, even Spenser’s Faerie Queene. These gorgeous fleurs du mal were products of the hothouse of sexual repression demanded from the pulpit and experienced by her courtiers. And so the background to the rich profusion of works that emerged from Elizabeth’s Court was nurtured by the frustration emanating from the Queen herself, as suggested in A Midsummer Night’s Dream when Titania sighs in Act III, “The Moon methinks looks with a watery eye; and when she weeps, weeps every little flower, lamenting some enforced chastity.” As always in Shakespeare, “the Moon” is referring to Elizabeth.

With the advent of King James and the rampantly immoral atmosphere of his Court, the mood changed abruptly. With plays like Bartholomew Fair, Volpone, The White Devil, The Duchess of Malfi, and Tis Pity She’s a Whore, playwrights sought to outdo each other with incest, violence, excruciating cruelty and bitterly sardonic wit. Disgusted, John Donne turned from writing the most lyrical love poetry of the late Elizabethan period to a stern piety, while Shakespeare wrote bitterly of sex in Measure for Measure and King Lear.

All things historical and psychological affirm this as the truth about Elizabeth’s sex life.  As with every other aspect of the Authorship Question, let’s try to keep it in mind.

Out, damned biography! Out I say!

The great anomalies that have dogged Shakespeare from the start, whether associated with his name, his person, his plays, or the theaters that introduced them to the world, all can be traced to a single cause, the biography of William of Stratford. Reduce his narrow if necessary role to that of provider of a name to put in what for four years was the empty spot on the title pages of the published plays, and most of these problems simply vanish.

The authorship of the early quartos, impossible to anyone born as late as William (1564), emerge as the missing Shakespeare juvenilia. That unique voice, appearing here and there under a variety of proxies and pseudonyms from the mid-1560s on, cannot be assigned to anyone but the Bard himself. Who was it that was so fascinated with love, with sex, with friendship, with truth, who had such knowledge of ancient Greek literature, of Roman history, of Court manners and Machiavellian politics? Who in the small circle of poets writing and publishing in London so early in Elizabeth’s reign fills the bill as author of the comedies that made her laugh, performed by the talented boys she loved to watch? Story by story, event by event, one individual and only one, from earliest works to final collection, has the life that perfectly fits in terms of dates, places, events and motivations, the phenomenon we call Shakespeare.

The theaters

As the work of C.W Wallace shows, that the public theaters appeared almost twenty years before the great Shakespeare arrived to take advantage of them is one of the anomalies that’s made it so hard to give a substantial account of how a phenomenon that, to the people of his time, must have been equal to or even surpassing how those of my generation have been affected by the creation of the Internet. Few have remarked upon the interesting fact that both of the first two commercially successful purpose-built London theaters (one for 20 years, the other for 15 years) were created within weeks of the Earl of Oxford’s return from his year in Venice, where acting troups were crafting the commedia del’arte style that delighted the Italian public and the Courts of Europe.

The patrons

Among the many things that continue to be overlooked by academics and authorship scholars alike are the patrons whose wealth and political motivations were fundamental to the creation, first of the theaters where Shakespeare’s plays were performed, later to their preservation in the First Folio, in itself something of a publishing phenomenon. The notion that something so powerful as the public stage, a cultural game-changer on the level of the printing press a hundred years earlier, radio three hundred years later, or the Internet four hundred years later, how this could possibly have been created single-handedly by a part time actor like James Burbage, a joiner, the lowliest of trades, has been swallowed whole by the Academy and its precursors for some 200 plus years, none of whom, apparently, have had enough experience of the world of the Theater to understand the sheer impossibility of such a scenario.

Yes, Burbage and a fellow carpenter built the Theatre, but neither he, nor his carpenter, nor (supposedly) his brother-in-law, could possibly have paid for it, or gotten the necessary permission to build it where they did, on the main thoroughfare leading into and out of the City. While it’s clear that the patrons preferred to minimize the extent of their support for this thing that was so detested by the Church and feared by the City fathers, there’s no denying the existence and importance of their patronage. In truth, without the patrons––among them Oxford himself (so long as his credit held out)––there would have been no London Stage, and certainly no Shakespeare.

The politics

That no one so far as I know has investigated what should be an obvious effort to provide a theater close enough to the West End that it could entertain Parliament, is yet another blind spot created by the exclusive focus on the life of the wool dealer’s son. Because his biography has forced the earliest possible dates for the plays into the 1590s, displacing some from their true origins by as much as fifteen years, what should be an obvious connection between them and the events that inspired them has forced the Academy to ignore their political overtones. True, most of the plays as they have come down to us from the editors of the First Folio do not dwell on obvious political themes, but as anyone who studies the period should know, political arguments were invariably presented as lessons based on familiar stories from history, mythology, or the Bible.

Do those whose opinions matter never study the history of the Theater through the ages? How can they continue to think that, unlike his near contemporaries Christopher Marlowe, Ben Jonson, John Marston, George Chapman, Thomas Dekker, George Middleton, etc., all in frequent trouble with the authorities for meddling in political or religious matters, that the greatest among them remained untouched by the politics of his day? Does it not puzzle them that during Essex’s treason trial Shakespeare’s actors were questioned about performing Richard II the day before his attempt to attack the Court, yet the author himself was not only not questioned by the authorities, it seems from what has survived that he wasn’t even mentioned?

Of course the Stage was political! Attempts to portray it as somehow operating apart from the all-consuming issues of the day are absurd, and in fact, are themselves evidence of the power of politics today, at both the university levels and that occupied by the New York Times. It was Churchill himself who, when confronted with the Authorship Question, is said to have responded that he didn’t want his “myths meddled with.” Myths? What about History? What about the truth?

The pun

But what may be the most significant aspect to this story, namely the fact that the name that finally showed up on what till then had been anonymous title pages––four years after the plays first began appearing in print––was a pun! Obviously, the name William Shake-speare (as it appeared on the first two plays to bear it) was intended to communicate to the sophisticated readers of the day that it was a phony name like Doll Tear-sheet or Cuthbert Curry-knave, one that allowed it to be read by the witty and sophisticated as a declarative sentence: “Will I am [to] shake [a] spear”! Now I ask you, could this possibly have been a coincidence? One that took four years to happen?

What most obviously separates the philologists who took over the newly-created English Departments at the dawn of the twentieth century from the poets of the Elizabethan era is this utter and total lack of any understanding of what makes a poet tick, how words are used to communicate, particularly back when puns were among the many tricks to the wordplay game. The dour puritans who were out to “pluck down” the theaters in the Bard’s own time have been replaced by university philologists who can’t see the glorious Shakespearean forest, pulsating with life and meaning, for the handful of linguistic trees that is all they’re been equipped to recognize by the universities that persist in ignoring every other aspect of the London Stage phenomenon.

The nineties

Because Shakespeare is so central to the story of the London Stage, and because there is so little evidence with which to create a satisfying history as it developed through the 1570s and 1580s, the Academy must needs cling to the notion that nothing of any importance took place until his plays first begin to be published in the mid-1590s. At the very end of the decade, two years from the beginning of the seventeenth century and five from the end of the Elizabethan era, when a name finally appears all at once on the title pages of the second editions of two of his most devastatingly political history plays, the Academy, helpless to explain this amazing leap from zero to greatness, deals with the problem once again by ignoring it! Even so recently as a few months ago coming up with the tired old notion that Marlowe “helped” their hapless young Shakespeare with several scenes in Henry VI Part One, possibly most of Part Three, something the New York Times heralds as a “bold interpretation.” One doesn’t know whether to laugh or curse!

In every effort to describe the events of the nineties with respect to the stage, academics refer to actions taken by the government against the theaters as coming from the Privy Council, never bothering to note how radically the Privy Council of the 1570s under the Earl of Sussex, or of the 1580s under Sir Francis Walsingham, differed from the Privy Council of the 1590s when it was controlled by the Cecils. To academics dealing with the Stage, the historic showdown between the Cecils and the Essex faction, which took seriously what the Stage had to say, is no more than a little rumble offstage, barely audible. Having ignored the events of the previous three decades, academics have no problem with ignoring the Cecils’ efforts to control the London Stage, which by then saw upwards of eight theaters running at once. Does spending one’s life in the ivory towers of a university erase the commonsense understanding of how the first move by all tyrants is to take over, or shut down, the media and kill or drive into exile those who seek to hold them to public account?

The political upheavals of the nineties that gripped the Court and the nation hardly cause a ripple in the Academy’s placid accounts of the deaths of Christopher Marlowe, murdered in 1593 by government agents at age twenty-nine; his patron Lord Strange, murdered the following year at age thirty-six; or how two years later James Burbage, longtime manager of the Lord Chamberlain’s Men and their Privy Council patron, Lord Chamberlain Baron Hunsdon, both died suddenly and unexpectedly, one in his sixties, the other just turned seventy; all deaths that, coming one after another in quick succession, resulted in decimating the until then booming London theater scene. How can they not see this? How can they fail to ask why?

Ignoring his education

Since it was the incredible level of Shakespeare’s learning––particularly his knowledge of the Law––that finally raised a public demand in the nineteenth century for the truth about his identity, how difficult would it have been, once Oxford was brought out of the shadows by his first biographer, to check out his education? How difficult would it have been to follow up on Sir Thomas Smith, clearly stated as his tutor and as one who “brought him up” in letters from Burghley to Smith, Burghley to Walsingham, and Smith to Burghley? Until the advent of online resources like Google, every library had a copy of Books in Print, which lists biographies by name and author. Why did no one bother to find out more about Smith?

The “stigma of print”

Most of Oxford’s biographers attribute the hiding of his name to the so-called “stigma of print,” the tradition that kept members of the Court community from publishing under their own names, but they do not make it clear that the works in question are all works of the imagination, poetry, tales, plays, or the fact that it was works like these that were damned by the evangelicals then in control of English publishing as tools of the Devil in his eternal task of luring the innocent to destruction? While admitting that Polonius was (probably) a spoof of Lord Burghley (William Cecil), the Queen’s leading minister of State, why do they neglect to suggest what should have been equally obvious, that the rest of the characters in Hamlet can be easily seen as reflections of Burghley’s relatives, of his Mistress, the Queen, of her Favorite (as close to a King as she allowed)? Why so far but no farther? The answer then should be obvious, but why no answer today, when the Queen and all her Court have been dead and gone for centuries? (Not, however, the Cecils; they are still very much around, and may be just as influential as ever.)

In 1980, Prof. Steven May, reigning expert on the Elizabethan Court poets, felt called upon to add his bit to the universal effort to eliminate Oxford from the authorship debate. Declaiming in a highly publicized article in Renaissance Papers, “Tudor Aristocrats and the mythical stigma of print,” he asserted that there simply was “no ‘stigma of print” during the Tudor age. Those who continue to wave this as a flag neglect to add that May finished by admitting what he should have made clear from the start, that “it was poesy, not the printing press, which our ancestors viewed with suspicion,” so that “the ‘stigma of print’ should give place to the ‘stigma of verse.’” Which includes plays, of course, since playwrights were termed poets by the Tudors, and most early plays were written in verse, Shakespeare’s included.

Why not be clear about that distinction from the start? Because to be sufficiently clear about it was simply not to the good professor’s primary purpose (academic survival), just as it has nothing to do with the obvious fact that the Queen never gave an official Court position to any of the writers of important literature at her Court, including her godson, John Harington Jr., and the brilliant Francis Bacon, both as highly qualified as any of the men to whom she showed preferment, both of whom expressed great bitterness over their lack of advancement. Nor does it acknowledge Lord Buckhurst’s explanation for why, as soon as he inherited his title in 1566, he (pompously) gave up writing verse.

As Buckhurst explains in his (supposedly) last poem, “Sackville’s Old Age,” it was because, as his DNB biographer puts it, “time was passing and his life [had] another course to run.” Moving up the ladder of preferment, Buckhurst would follow in the Cecils’ footprints, eventually becoming the wealthy and powerful Earl of Dorset and Lord Treasurer under King James. But Oxford had no such goal to strive for. Born to a social and political level for which others could only dream, his striving had to be for something else, something greater, in his mind at least, than rank and titles, something that lay beyond the grovelings of politics and greed.

Frustrated by the way he was not allowed to take what an earlier age would have allowed him as a role in the governing of his nation and its military engagements abroad, it seems from plays like Alls Well that Ends Well and Two Gentlemen of Verona that Oxford did not appreciate, at least not at first, that his efforts to create a living literary language, or that acquainting the illiterate public with their nation’s history and its heroes were far more important than, like Sir Philip Sidney, suffering an early death on a foreign battlefield. Impoverished by his travels in Italy and through the Mediterranean, travels that brought him subjects for so many of his greatest plays, as Rosalind remarks in As You Like It: “A traveller! By my faith, you have great reason to be sad. I fear you have sold your own lands to see other men’s; then to have seen much and to have nothing is to have rich eyes and poor hands.”

The role of conjecture

It will doubtless be argued that my accounts are based on conjecture to too great an extent. Unfortunately were we to continue to rely totally on what facts remain, none of our questions would ever be answered, and we would continue to remain, as we have until now, with only the name on the published plays. Given the mysterious absence of so many paper trails from this period, we can never hope to reach beyond our present stalemate with the Academy unless we begin to acknowledge, and track, informed conjectures like these.

In the realm of literary history, of theatrical literature in particular, is not the conjectural equivalent to the hypothetical in Science? Do not the “Laws of Science” rest upon an initiatory stage, known as the hypothesis, from which the second stage, the necessary and often prolonged period of experiment depend? Have not these resulted in the advances in technology and understanding that we enjoy today? Where so much is missing, history without conjecture is no more substantial than science without hypothesis.

As for the all-important facts that someone (i.e. Robert Cecil, for fifteen years the most powerful English Secretary of State that ever lived) managed to so thoroughly erase, while scores of academics have searched the records in the Public Record Office and other archives for anything remotely connected to William of Stratford, no Oxfordian has ever had the time, or the wherewithall, to do the same for the Earl of Oxford. Should authorship scholars ever be admitted within the sacred halls of Academe, and they be given the opportunity to treat the Oxford theory with the same courtesy it’s been treating the Stratford theory for the past 400 years, who knows what may still be out there, still waiting to be discovered?



The missing evidence

The major reason why, so far, it has been impossible to prove conclusively Oxford’s authorship of the Shakespeare canon, is the fact that there are simply no records of what, considering the impact it has had on the lives of English-speakers ever since, of what must have been an astonishing phenomenon at the time. This, of course, was the sudden appearance, almost overnight, of the first two commercially successful, purpose-built public theaters in England: Burbage’s great open air theater in Shoreditch, north of the City, and the first indoor theater, known to historians as the First Blackfriars Theater, located in the southernmost corner of the City Wall, as close as possible to Westminster. How can it be that this major advance in human communications, equal in impact to the advent of the printing press, the radio, the telephone or the internet, something that took place in the teeth of tremendous controversy, how could it have left so little in the way of official records?

In researching these matters, again and again I found myself running into what seems to be an interrupted narrative, the interruption occurring just where I would expect to find relevant material. Eventually it became necessary to face the fact that this couldn’t possibly be ascribed to accident. Accidents are random; when disappearances exhibit patterns it becomes ever more likely that such blanks reflect a purposeful intent to alter what should have been a feast of references.

In an early chapter of Charlton Ogburn’s biography of Oxford he quotes Charlotte Stopes: “The volumes of the Lord Chamberlain’s Warrants, which “supply much information concerning plays and players, [are] unfortunately missing for the most important years of Shakespeare history.” He then quotes Charles Wisner Barrell that the official books of Edmund Tilney and George Buc,

Masters of the Revels under Elizabeth and James respectively, together with all office records of the Lord Chamberlain who supervised the Masters of the Revels in those times, have hopelessly vanished. With them have disappeared the voluminous and detailed correspondence and memoranda covering the origin, selection, licensing, casting, mounting, costuming, rehearsal and finished production of literally scores of plays, including Shakespeare’s. (121-22).

He then quotes A.L. Rowse who mourns the fact that the Burbages’ papers did not survive as did Henslowe’s notebooks. An expert businessman, as the success and duration of his theater proves, did Burbage simply not bother to keep records?

In 1912, C.W. Wallace, complaining of the lack of information in the Audit Office relating to payments made for plays, notes: “Perhaps if we had the Books of Queen’s Payments we should find the records as in previous reigns. But no such account books of Elizabeth prior to 1581 seem to be extant” (107-8). Were no accounts kept before 1581, or did someone get rid of them after she died? 1581 was the year Oxford was banished from Court and his work with the boys companies was taken over by Lyly and Evans, with Lyly answering to Lord Burghley.

George Peele

Among the paper trails that have mysteriously vanished are those followed by David H. Horne while he was writing his biography of George Peele, published in 1952. Peele was the purported author of several plays from the early days of the First Blackfriars Theater. A student at Christ Church College Oxford from 1571 to 1579, Peele had returned to London in 1581, the year Oxford was banished from Court. Regarded as author of the only surviving play known to have been produced at the First Blackfriars Theater by the Children of the Chapel, The Arraignment of Paris, he, like Munday, was also involved in creating the public shows the City produced for visiting dignitaries.

So far there’s no direct evidence that connects George Peele to Oxford such as we have for Munday and Lyly. In discussing the “continuous tradition of amateur acting at Christ Church” College at Oxford (a tradition that appears to have begun with Palamon and Arcite during the 1566 commencement when Oxford and Rutland were awarded Masters degrees), Horne complains about his inability to provide further details: “unfortunately the Disbursement Books, from which come most of our knowledge of the plays, are missing for the greater part of the period of Peele’s residence.” He adds in a footnote, “These are the first of many records which have hiatuses at the exact places where they might be expected to yield information about Peele.”

William Ingram, in his Business of Playing: The Beginnings of the Adult Professional Theater in Elizabethan London (1992), notes that there is a great deal more information on the companies playing in the provinces in the 1580s, gleaned from local records, than there is for the London companies, this despite the obvious fact that London was the great center for English play production. “There are simply not many direct references to plays and playing in the City from the middle third of the century. An historian concerned with events in the City will have to find alternative kinds of evidence to consider. . . .”

Gingerly avoiding the issue of the missing impresario (an issue that Wallace was brave enough to address), Ingram speaks of the “unfortunate remedy in our own time, namely the general avoidance of biographical study as a component of Elizabethan theater history. . . ; when we do make use of biographical material . . . it is often in the service of some other agenda.” Is this due to “avoidance,” or to the fact that there simply isn’t enough to make use of?

Missing Privy Council minutes

In the first paragraph of his Appendix D, titled “Documents of Control” (The Elizabethan Stage, vol IV, 259), E.K. Chambers comments that “It must be borne in mind that orders relating to plays are probably missing [from the Privy Council register] owing to lacunae.Lacunae is Latin for “missing portions of a book or manuscript.” As listed by Chambers, these lacunae are eight periods where the minutes of the Privy Council are missing, and since it’s most unlikely that the Council failed to take minutes during these periods, the question becomes, why the blanks? Since several of these missing sections cover periods when it’s likely that the Court Stage, and/or the Stage in general, would have been a matter for intense discussion by a Council wherein at least two of its members had become patrons of two of these theaters, it’s hard to avoid the conclusion that someone in a position to alter the record, did so on purpose. Following are the eight lacunae cited by Chambers:

1: May 1559––May 1562: This three-year blank took place at the beginning of the reign when little effort was being expended on holiday entertainment. It covers the period when Ambassador Throgmorton was petitioning Cecil to have Sir Thomas Smith sent to France, which would have left the twelve-year-old de Vere without a tutor, a period followed by the death of Earl John that August. Three months later comes a second hiatus;

2: September 1562––November 1564: It was during this two-year period that plays began replacing masques at Court. It begins with Oxford’s arrival at Cecil House, continues through the period when Richard Edwards supposedly took over the Children of the Chapel and when Paul’s Boys first appeared at Court, through the winter holiday of 1563-64 at Windsor, where the Court was entertained by the Children of the Windsor Chapel under Richard Farrant, later Master at the Blackfriars School. It covers the period when when Damon and Pythias was performed for the Court during the commencement exercises at Cambridge University, when Oxford and Rutland were given Masters degrees.

3: December 1565––October 1566: These ten months represent the period when Paul’s Boys, performing three plays over the Christmas holidays, rose to the level they would maintain for the next thirty years. On New Year’s Day, Sapientia Solomonis (“The Wisdom of Solomon”) was performed for the Privy Council by students at the Westminster School, during which a velvet sword scabbard belonging to the Earl of Rutland was broken (Holmes 77-8). On February 19th, when Oxford was fifteen, Lord Montague produced a masque at his City mansion in Southwark for the wedding of his 13-year-old daughter, Mary Browne, to the young Earl of Southampton (Shakespeare’s Juliet was thirteen; his Romeo was fifteen). In June, Oxford and Rutland received Masters degrees at Oxford University, where later that summer Palamon and Arcite was performed for the Court.

4: May 1567––May 1570: During this three-year blank in the Privy Council minutes, the Court scribe recorded the titles of eight plays performed over the Christmas holiday of 1567-68 that touch the history of Shakespeare’s works including the King of Scots, Wit and Will, and Orestes. In addition to the plays performed by three Children’s companies, adult companies joined the roster. For the Christmases of 1568-69 and 1569-70: Rich’s Men, Paul’s Boys and the Chapel boys performed one play each.

5: July 1572––February 1573: It was during this six-month period that Sussex took control of the Court Stage away from Leicester, opening the door for more plays by the Earl of Oxford. That Christmas saw Oxford’s man Lawrence Dutton act as payee for Lane’s Men, the first of a yearly series of holidays in which Dutton was payee for two more companies, companies that in 1580 would be revealed as Oxford’s.

6: June 1582––February 1586: This three-and-a-half-year stretch (the longest of Chambers’s lacunae) includes the latter half of Oxford’s period of banishment when productions of Campaspe and Sapho and Phao, attributed to his secretary John Lyly, were performed by Oxford’s Boys on the Blackfriars School stage. The spring of 1583 saw his return to Court, the death of Sussex, the creation of the Queen’s Men by Walsingham, and probably also the first versions of plays like Hamlet, Coriolanus, and Julius Caesar, produced for his Inns of Court audience, possibly on the Blackfriars School stage, plus Romeo and Juliet produced for the public at Burbage’s Theatre. Over the Christmas of 1584-85 Oxford’s Boys performed Agamemnon and Ulysses, probably an early version of Troilus and Cressida.

7: August 1593––October 1595: It is simply not possible that the creation of the “theatrical duopoly” by two members of the Privy Council, the Lord Chamberlain’s Men by Henry Hunsdon and the Lord Admiral’s Men by Charles Howard, would have left no trace at all in the minutes. This is also the period that saw the Cecils’ takeover of Walsingham’s office; the first Marlowe sting in Flushing; the Dutch Church libel, the torture of Thomas Kyd; the hanging of John Penry (May 29, 1593); and the assassination (or transportation) of London’s most popular playwright, Christopher Marlowe (May 30, 1593). It saw the registration in May through June 1594 of the first batch of plays later attributed to Shakespeare; the 1595 wedding of Oxford’s daughter to the Earl of Derby; and the Masque at Gray’s Inn produced by Francis Bacon for Christmas 1594-95 which included a performance of The Comedy of Errors.

After July 1596, with Robert Cecil in supreme power as Secretary of State, in control of the Privy Council and its minutes, only one more large lacuna remains:

8: April 1599––January 1600: This period follows the publication in 1598 of the first plays to bear the name William Shake-speare, a period when Cecil was struggling to maintain his control of the Privy Council against a rising tide of wrath emanating from the group surrounding the Earl of Essex. The Globe was being built on Bankside by the Burbages with timbers from their old Theatre in Shoreditch. While patronage of the company remained with the new Lord Chamberlain, Hunsdon’s son, no patrons’ names were attached to the Globe as this appears to have been paid for by the central actors themselves, thus creating the unique cooperative structure in which they functioned as “sharers,” while protecting the real investors from Cecil’s wrath, since it’s most unlikely that the actors would have had the funds necessary for creating such a structure. It is also during this period that the Burbages were allowed to rent their shuttered Blackfriars Theater to the popular new commercial Children’s company, the “little eyeasses” that Shakespeare derides in Hamlet.

It is also true that the minutes of the Privy Council from January 1602 to May 1613 are missing. According to the National Archives, where the surviving Registers are now located, this substantial loss, covering the entire period that Cecil was Secretary under James, was due to a fire in 1619 that destroyed the old Banquetting House where a great number of government papers had been stored.

Missing collections of private papers

Among the documents that would surely shine a brighter light on the Elizabethan era are the private papers of some of the leading figures in our story, three in particular: the Earl of Leicester, Sir Francis Walsingham, and the Earl of Essex, all to some extent rivals or adversaries of the Cecils. Some of Leicester’s papers, long thought lost, appear to have been widely dispersed after his death and have recently been catalogued, but these are only a fraction of what there should be considering the place he held in government and society and for how long he held it.

Following Essex’s execution, his papers were appropriated by Secretary of State Robert Cecil, remaining ever since among the collections at Hatfield House. It’s interesting that, in that time of avid playgoing by Essex’s associates, there should be in what remains of Essex’s papers, such a total lack of evidence of his interest in, or patronage of, the Stage, its actors, or its playwrights.

As for Walsingham, all that remains of his papers are the letters that relate to his official duties as Ambassador to France and Secretary of State. According to the author of his DNB biography, their fate after his death was “complicated.” As Walsingham’s brother-in-law, Robert Beale, stated not long after Walsingham’s death, “all his papers and books both public and private were seized on and carried away.” Seized on by whom? Only the Cecils, by then in control of everything related to Walsingham’s office, would have had the authority. In the process all private material was weeded out and has disappeared with the exception of two semi-official diaries or ledgerbooks, one covering the years 1570 to 1583 (Martin, ‘Journal of Sir Francis Walsingham’), and the other 1583 to 1584 (BL, Harley MS 6035). As a result, Walsingham’s official career can be reconstructed in detail, but his personal history remains a blank.

In The Lame Storyteller, a compilation of essays and notes by authorship scholar Peter Moore, he includes items culled from nineteen of the twenty volumes of Cecil family papers known as the Salisbury Manuscripts to which he had access at the University of Maryland library. Among the many mentions of Oxford over the years, Moore notes “the total disappearance of Oxford between 2 June 1590 and 9 March 1595 . . . until we reach the marriage of his daughter Elizabeth to William Stanley . . . in January 1596” (251). This of course was the period when Oxford, having been forced by Burghley to sell Fisher’s Folly, wrote the bulk of his sonnets to Southampton, when Marlowe was assassinated, Robert Greene “vouchsafed” to die, Hunsdon launched the Lord Chamberlain’s Men, and the battle between Cecil and Oxford reached its apex during the Parliament of 1597-98.

It should be clear by now that we will never find that “smoking gun,” that piece of conclusive evidence that will put an end to the Stratford hoax for the simple reason that someone from Shakespeare’s own time devoted a great deal of effort to destroying everything that testifies to Oxford’s connection to the London Stage and Press. That person could only have been Robert Cecil. Driven by his hatred of the Stage for its power over the minds and hearts of the public, its rough treatment of himself and his hatred of its creator for his treatment of his father and his sister, driven by his need to retaliate for the repeated editions of Richard III published every other year during the twenty years he functioned as Secretary of State under Queen Elizabeth and King James. Only Cecil had the power, the time, and the motivation to wreak such havoc with the record, a record that his powerful descendants have prevented from being seriously questioned for the four centuries that, until very recently, has remained at Hatfield House, the Cecil family home.

Why Elizabeth would never marry

The great social movement known as the Reformation that began under Henry VIII, that was codified under Edward VI and made permanent under Queen Elizabeth I, carried a strong anti-sex message that had nothing to do with purifying the Church Service or reducing the Church calendar. With the evangelicals, sins like pride and greed, previously among the worst because they blocked the sinners’ access to God, were now overtopped by lust. Anything that might lead to sex, such as masqueing; too much time spent playing and listening to music; indulging in seasonal “may games,” a term often applied to ancient mating rituals like dancing around the maypole; these were banned as slippery slopes leading to sexual activity and eternal damnation.

As the government strove to eradicate such “merry-making,” plays too were condemned by the puritans and their bishops as “filthy” and “ungodly,” catchwords for sexual behavior. While plays have always made the authorities nervous because they are so liable to contain anti-authoritarian messages, the notion that sex leads to damnation allowed the puritans to make hell, quite literally, for the Elizabethans who enjoyed them. As testified by the almost 300 pages of “Documents of criticism and control” in Volume IV of Chambers’s The Elizabethan Stage, the creation of the London Stage, with its bawdy humor and portrayal of sexy activities, was met with such passionate resistance by the evangelical establishment that reasons must be sought for this irrational panic over this most basic of human drives.

In 1989, a professor of Comparative Sociology at the Polish University in London, Stanislav Andreski, provided what would seem to be the best explanation. In his book, Syphilis, Puritanism and Witch Hunts, he explains: “I want to put forward the view that the importation of syphilis into Europe had . . . profound effects on European civilization: affecting most directly religion and sexual morality . . . . (4). While there have always been “preachers of asceticism”––cries for a return to the innocence of Eden lest God unleash another Flood on Sodom––what “demands explanation” according to Andreski, is why the Elizabethans were so ready to support this grim, unhappy religion:

Causation of great historical processes is always bafflingly complex, and clearly many other factors were involved. But this seems to me less uncertain than any other explanation: puritanism would not have had the appeal which helped it to find adherents so quickly . . . without the spread of syphilis. (5)

As Andreski uses the term puritan, he refers more specifically to the evangelical view that sexual intercourse is inherently sinful, which suggests that human life, which relies on sex if the species is to continue, was regarded by the God of the evangelicals as wicked and disgusting and therefore that humans are all born sinners––“In Adam’s fall we sinned all.” The Catholic Church dealt with this by providing these sinners with priests who had the power to redeem them through confession. Protestants on the other hand, resentful of the power of the priesthood, were left to bear the weight of their “heaps of heavy sin” with little relief (apart from a very great deal of very dull poetry).  Some hoped to escape damnation through “profitable” work; others by claiming membership in an “Elect,” who for some reason felt that this guaranteed them salvation without having to work for it.

While Andreski doesn’t discuss the health of Henry VIII or the fate of his children, when he comments on how the disease was ravaging the royal houses of Europe at that time, he notes Henry VIII (and Ivan the Terrible) as prime examples (77). Is Andreski right? The grossness of Henry’s physical decline; the unhappy fate of his wives and their children; the paranoia that caused him to execute his most dedicated ministers; his reckless wars and senseless vendettas––can these be due to the physical and moral deterioration common to the later stages of syphilis?

Andreski’s message falls on deaf ears

By the 1980s, the English, battered by two world wars, had come to accept historian Geoffrey Elton’s reversal of the comforting image of “Great Harry” as provided by earlier historians, but neither Elton nor his audience––forgetting perhaps what syphilis was like before the discovery of penicillin (in 1928)––were prepared to ascribe his insanity to a disease, particularly if it suggested a deeper look into the medical history of the last three Tudors. If syphilis is ever mentioned by historians or other commentators as a factor in the King’s behavior it’s invariably dismissed, as in this typical blurb: “If Henry VIII did have the disease, then his comprehensive medical records would have mentioned either the obvious symptoms or the extensive treatment, but there is no mention of either.”

This is blarney. Henry’s symptoms are far too obvious, and if his doctors ever did use the treatments used at the time, they would certainly not have allowed that to be entered into any record. Furthermore, neither would they have informed the King, for, as all of his biographers make plain, Henry was so terrified of disease that at the slightest hint that there was illness anywhere in his vicinity he would instantly move to another palace, forcing the Court to follow (Elton Reform 104). Even more to the point, as his brain deteriorated and the chronic paranoia that is a symptom of the final stage of the disease possessed him, it was known that anyone who dared to present him with unpleasant news risked destruction.

By the time Henry’s doctors would have been certain that all the ailments assignable to the second stage of the disease were actually caused by “the pox” (known as “the great imitator” due to the wide variety of the symptoms it shares with other diseases) the only certain cure, mercury, would have been too late, and even had they tried it––perhaps explaining it as a cure for something less fearsome––it’s absurd to suggest that they would have left a record of it or discussed it with anyone outside the King’s immediate circle of care-givers. These were the so-called Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber, whose task it was to minister to to the King’s body, bathing him, assisting him to the toilet, changing the bandages on the stinking sores that covered his legs and genitals, and dealing with his fearsome outbursts of rage.

Many at Court must have guessed the truth, but while most courtiers were kept as far from him as possible, these unhappy men were privy to things that, however denied from openly discussing, they would never have been able to erase from memory, horrors brought about by the sexual license the King was allowed in his teens and twenties, behaviors that at that time were considered signs of a vigorous male constitution.

Forced by their office to be physically close to the King during the final decade of his life, forced to watch as his once fine body became a rotting mass of putrid flesh, his mind tormented by the paranoid fears and mood swings that accompany the final ”tertiary” stage of the disease, the Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber were constrained both by fear and by their oaths of office to keep these horrors to themselves. Thus it is no surprise to find that it was largely these men, and their families, who were most active in driving the English version of the Reformation, with its potent anti-sex campaign, to the extremes that they did.

A “physically lavish” adolescent

When Henry came to the throne at age seventeen he seemed every inch the image of the ideal Renaissance prince. His athletic build and energy, his love of music and literature, his scholarly efforts to raise the level of studies at the universities to levels already accepted in Italy and Spain, brought him a reputation that shone through all the Courts of Europe, promising a glorious career.

Almost immediately he was forced to deal with the international impasse into which death had cast his older brother Arthur’s marriage to Catherine of Aragon. Eager to stay on good terms with her father, Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II, Henry solved the problem by marrying his brother’s widow. But marriage placed no constraints on the royal libido. As historian Geoffrey Elton so delicately puts it, his councillors felt that “so physically lavish an adolescent” would be better off married (Reform 18). Nor did he restrict himself to one-nighters with pretty milkmaids, for, one after another, he took his poor wife’s royal handmaidens to bed, and when they got pregnant, married them off to one of his male courtiers.

Nine months from the day they married, Catherine of Aragon bore the first of a series of stillborn sons and daughters. In 1519, six months after she miscarried for the sixth and final time, having produced only one living child, the Princess Mary, a son was born to her husband’s current mistress, Elizabeth (Bessie) Blount. Still without a male heir, Henry dubbed him Duke of Richmond and gave him a princely education.

Most know the rest of the ugly story: his brutal divorce from Catherine so he could marry Anne Boleyn; how Anne, after providing yet another daughter, made the fatal mistake of miscarrying a male fetus two months before the seventeen-year-old Duke of Richmond died; how on the very day after Anne was executed, Henry married her handmaiden, Jane Seymour, who, the following year, gave birth to the all important male heir a week before she herself died, supposedly of child bed fever. By the time Henry attempted marriage to his fourth wife, Anne of Cleves, he was fifty years old, sick, obese, and probably no longer actually capable of fathering another child.

History’s silence

Although history continues to dismiss it, the truth should be obvious: at some point during his reckless youth Henry had contracted “the great pox”––so named for the sores that left scars (pock marks) when they healed. (The “small pox” was “small” because it was somewhat less deadly; many survived it, and those who did were permanently immunized against a further outbreak.) The silence that surrounds this disease in the records of the time is due to the intense shame it engendered, the fact that its symptoms were often hidden from view, the disgusting nature of its symptoms, and its deadly etiology. Among its horrors was the way it could infect the victim’s partners, and through them, their children.

Most of us today know nothing of this nightmare, protected as we are by antibiotics, but the disease having struck some time before it was first recorded (in Naples in 1495, in England in 1497) its symptoms were certainly understood by the time Henry began having problems in his forties. (Among the many cruelties of his administration, not the least should be the way his officials stood by as he continued to infect one wife after another.)

Known as “the great imitator,” syphilis can exhibit a wide variety of symptoms. The officially diagnosed causes of the deaths of several of Henry’s wives and children––consumption (aka tuberculosis)––lends strong testimony to Andreski’s thesis, consumption having long been a general term for a range of pulmonary diseases, syphilis among them. From Catherine and Anne’s failed attempts to produce a viable male heir, to the early deaths of his sons, the Duke of Richmond at seventeen (of consumption) and Edward VI at fifteen (also of consumption), to Mary and Elizabeth’s poor health, Mary’s inability to conceive, and certain of Elizabeth’s symptoms––what other explanation can there be?

Consider the case of Edward VI, whose death from “consumption” does not fit the description of his symptoms as provided by Frederick Chamberlin, who published his research into Queen Elizabeth’s medical history in The Private Character of Queen Elizabeth (1921). Of her brother’s death, Chamberlin quotes the British Medical Journal of 1910: “in addition to the symptoms of pulmonary disease [consumption], eruptions on his skin came out, his hair fell off, and then his nails, and afterwards the joints of his toes and fingers” (38). Chris Skidmore (Edward VI: The Lost King of England [2009]) quotes an Ambassador sent by Charles V: “He does not sleep except when he be stuffed with . . . opiates. The sputum which he brings up is livid, black, fetid and full of carbon; it smells beyond measure; if it is put in a basin full of water is sinks to the bottom” (250).

As for Edward’s sister Mary Tudor, who strove without success to get pregnant by her husband Philip of Spain, Chamberlin wrote: “many years she was never free from headache and palpitation of the heart; she was habitually afflicted with the most abject melancholy; she was anaemic to a notable degree . . . . her periods were irregular, scanty, painful, and in the main suppressed” (37)––all symptoms of inherited syphilis.

Why Elizabeth never married

As for Henry’s third living child, Queen Elizabeth, who never married, never got pregnant, and never gave birth, the records of her various illnesses, again examined by Chamberlin, suggest the same thing. While reasons commonly given for her resistance to marriage cannot be discounted––as a female, marriage would certainly have weakened her ability to maintain her authority––but if she was aware of the cause that had laid waste to the rest of Henry’s progeny, she would also have been aware that it could infect his offspring “unto the third and fourth generation.” Clearly marriage, or rather, the sexual intercourse that would inevitably follow, resulting in the pregnancy so fervently desired by her people, would, as she would surely have been aware, be a far greater threat both to herself and to the nation she was sworn to protect.

This was the kind of Catch-22 that would have been impossible for her to explain. When we read her statements to the members of Parliament who were tormenting her with demands that she marry, we can’t help but feel some compassion. According to the historian John Neale who gives close accounts of her relations with Parliament, she was very clear from the start that she did not intend to marry. Forced by their demands that she marry and produce an heir, thereby avoiding a showdown over the succession that could lead to civil war, to show a willingness to marry, should the right suitor appear, there is simply no other way for us to compare what she said then to her total failure to follow up on any of the many marriage proposals that she pretended to consider during her fertile years.

Those who knew without being told why she would never marry were those who had been close to Henry VIII during his descent into madness. These included William Cecil, son of Richard Cecil, the King’s valet, who had known the King from birth to death; Secretary of State Francis Walsingham, protégé of Sir Anthony Denny, Henry’s leading Groom of the Stool; and Sir Thomas Heneage, another Gentleman of the Privy Chamber, later Elizabeth’s chancellor of her personal exchequer. Most important perhaps, considering his fatherly influence over his powerful son-in-law, was the authoritarian Evangelical Sir Anthony Cooke, whose function as one of Henry’s Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber over the final weeks of his life had rendered him vulnerable to the sex-as-sin message in the Calvinism he encountered while living in exile in Strasbourg during Mary’s reign. Back in England, Cooke spread his brand of Calvinism to his fellow believers in Parliament even as he indoctrinated his children with his beliefs, among them the future wives of several of Elizabeth’s leading ministers of State.

The shadow that followed the King’s attempts to get an heir, that damaged his wives and their children, leaves little doubt that as early as 1513 he had become infected with syphilis, and that it was this that, along with other factors, was the primary reason why Elizabeth never married. Yes, marriage could have meant a loss in terms of her power over her all-male Privy Council, but what would have been even more frightening for her as a woman was the awareness of what having sex, and the pregnancy that would follow, might mean, not only to her own health and well-being, but also to her partner and ultimately to the nation she was born to serve. She could not have been blind to her sister’s symptoms or to the agonizing death of her little brother. That she herself suffered for a full decade from a suppurating fistula on her leg and another on her shoulder (Chamberlain 57-59, 67) would have been a warning that, despite the charade of her many official romances, she must never be tempted, not just to marry, not just to become pregnant, but primarily never to have the kind of sex that might threaten her partner.

As for Burghley, who was surely aware, through his father and his father-in-law, of the King’s condition and therefore of its implications for his royal Mistress, that despite his apparent interest in a marriage that would protect England from its Catholic enemies, through it all he remained secure from any fear of what such a marriage with a foreign prince might mean for himself.  This must cast his position on her highly publicized attempts to find an appropriate husband as another example of how his private views remained separate from his public stand on a variety of issues. When we see these highly advertised marriage negotiations with the princes of Europe, all fondly imagining that they could conquer England simply by marrying its Queen, and how this helped to keep England’s enemies at bay for the the first twenty years of Elizabeth’s reign, we can see her highly publicized romances as political maneuvers that gave her and her ministers time to build the nation’s military strength to where by 1588 it could survive the eventual attack by the great and supposedly invincible Spanish Armada.

There was only one other political reason why Elizabeth never married, namely the fact, and fact it certainly was, that she would have lost a good deal of her power to whomever she married, for no matter how restrictive might have been the limitations set on a potential cohort’s status, men are always more inclined to deal with other men if they can.  As for other issues related to sex, there were a great many besides her father’s disease to discourage her.  If her own mother’s fate and that of her father’s other wives weren’t terrible enough, there were the equally grim fates of Mary Queen of Scots, tossed aside by her ministers as soon as she produced the necessary heir, or Elizabeth of Valois, dead from childbirth at age twenty-three after producing one baby after another every year since her marriage to Philip II.  Even greater than these would have been her own first experience with desire in her teens, when the man who wooed her in hopes of marrying a future queen was tried for treason, condemned and beheaded, partly for having dared to make love to her, while she herself lived for a year under the threat of a similar fate had her persecutors been able to prove that she had encouraged him.

Still, nothing could approach the fear inspired in her by her father’s insanity, the illnesses and early deaths of his wives and her sister, the gruesome death of her beloved brother, and her own repeated symptoms.  She must at least have had the satisfaction of knowing that the Tudor line, with its doomed etiology, would be ending with herself.

A “rage to master”

One of the most depressing results of the Academy’s philological dissection of literature’s golden goose is the almost total removal of his genius. After centuries of being told that, lacking any evidence of formal education it was genius alone that allowed William of Stratford to grasp recondite elements of the Law, Medicine, Astronomy, etc., the English Departments flip to the opposite pole with Shakespeare learning enough at his local grammar school to get all he needs to know about ancient Greek drama from mediocre Latin translations, while anything that appears to be too early for him gets assigned to a nameless ghost writer.

Fitting the horse to the shoe, the great creator is transformed into a plagiarizer, the great original into a hack, the fountain of Renaissance creativity into a tight-fisted and squeamish little dealer in land and properties. No artistic genius ever behaved like the Shakespeare bequeathed us by the Academy. Rejecting him as opposed to common sense and human experience, we must begin with the reality of what the author knew and what that vast trove of knowledge might suggest about his origins.

Ellen Winner’s prescription

In 1996, Boston College Professor of Psychology and Harvard Senior Research Associate Ellen Winner published a book that can help to define what to look for in the origins of such a genius. In Gifted Children; Myths and Realities she examines the elements that are invariably present for that unusual child who will become what she calls a “creator.” With conclusions based on clinical trials, the biographies of some extraordinarily talented children plus those of historic geniuses, Winner’s credentials, her evidence and her field, the Psychology of Creativity, give her the kind of authority that are so obviously absent from anything offered by our 20th-century History and English Departments.

What then, in Winner’s terms, should we expect to find as the background of the genius we call Shakespeare? Rather than paraphrase or condense and so risk misinterpreting what she has taken pains to clarify, we must quote her at some length. She begins by describing the characteristics of gifted children, only a handful of whom will rise to the level of creator. Atypical of ordinary children, these children

are precocious. They begin to take the first steps in the mastery of some domain at an earlier-than-average age. They also make more progress in this domain than do ordinary children, because learning in the domain comes easily to them. By domain, I refer to an organized area of knowledge such as language, music, mathematics . . . .

Second, they insist on marching to their own drummer:

Gifted children not only learn faster than average or even bright children but also learn in a qualitatively different way. . . . they need minimum help or scaffolding from adults in order to master their domain, and much of the time they teach themselves. The discoveries they make about their domain are exciting and motivating and each leads the gifted child on to the next step. Often these children independently invent rules of the domain and devise novel, idiosyncratic ways of solving problems.

These children have what Winner terms a rage to master. “They are intrinsically motivated to make sense of the domain in which they show precocity. They exhibit an intense and obsessive interest, an ability to focus sharply. . . . They experience ‘states of flow’ while engaged in learning––optimal states in which they focus intently and lose sense of the outside world. The lucky combination of obsessive interest in a domain along with an ability to learn easily leads to high achievement” (3-4). Later she defines “the right personality structure for mastery”: these

children are highly motivated to work to achieve mastery, they derive pleasure from challenge and, at least by adolescence, they have an unusually strong sense of who they are and what they want to do as adults. . . . [They are] fiercely independent and nonconforming . . . [and] they tend to be more introverted and lonelier than the average child, both because they have so little in common with others and because they need and want to be alone to develop their talent. These qualities of thought and feeling add up to a kind of subjective experience that is both more pleasurable and fulfilling, and more painful, isolating, and stressful than that of the average child. (212-3)

She addresses several common myths regarding giftedness, among them:

the commonsense “folk” psychology . . . that giftedness is entirely inborn: you either have it or you don’t. The abilities of Mozart, Picasso, Newton, or Einstein are so unfathomable to us that we explain them by saying that these individuals were just born geniuses. The environment has no interesting role to play if talents are inborn and fixed. . . . Psychologists like to attack folk psychologies in general . . . but psychologists have their own myth: that giftedness is entirely a product of the environment [and that] the right kind of training, begun at an early age, is sufficient to account for even the very highest levels of giftedness. (143)

She shows that both expectations are unrealistic, that in fact, both factors must be present for gifted children to excel in any domain. They must be born with talent, in her terms, with a “rage to master.” At the same time they must also have the support of caregivers who value their efforts, who can provide them with what she terms an “enriched environment,” one in which education is valued and which includes “opportunities for reading, playing and talking” (185). Without these, no matter how great the inborn gifts, nothing can develop. Says Winner: “There are undoubtedly many children never identified as gifted because of their disadvantaged environments” (186).

But giftedness in childhood can only go so far. Only a few go from gifted child or prodigy in a domain to a creator in that domain––“a pattern exemplified by Mozart and Picasso”––and, we would add, by Shakespeare. Says Winner, “Those who traverse this route must make the profound transition from being an expert in an established domain to being someone who disrupts the domain and remakes it, leaving it forever altered.” Moreover, they must be born when the zeitgeist is right––when a domain is ready for the kind of change that the creator envisions. A domain can change only so much and thus can accommodate only a very few creators. So the factors that predict who will become a creator include not only the traits of the individuals in question but also historical and cultural factors (281).

In her final pages Winner goes into detail on the characteristics of creators as they have been determined by numerous tests and studies. To follow the route she has outlined “requires not only extreme early ability but also a rebellious personality, a desire to shake up the status quo (281). Creators are

hard driving, focused, dominant, independent risk takers. They have experienced stressful childhoods and they often suffer from forms of psychopathology. . . . Creators must be willing to sacrifice . . . [They are] workaholics. The most creative people are also the most prolific. . . . [They] must be able to persist in the face of difficulty and overcome the many obstacles in the way of creative discovery. They must persist because of what has become known among creativity researchers as the “ten-year rule”––the dictum that it takes about ten years of hard work in a domain to make a breakthrough. (293)

Winner details the research that led to the formulation of this “ten-year rule”:

Even Mozart did not produce his first masterpiece until after about ten years of composing. A willingness to toil and to tolerate frustration and persist in the face of failure is crucial. . . . Creators are strong, dominant personalities with an unshakable belief in themselves. They must be able to believe in themselves, for otherwise they would be felled by the inevitable attacks that come when one goes against the established point of view. (293 fn)

The only-child syndrome

Several times in the course of the book Winner describes the need creators have to be alone. Prodigies are often “only children,” raised in the company of adults, allowed to go their own way to a much greater extent than ordinary children. Such children often suffer from being so different from their peers, feeling odd or out of place among them. Even so they prefer being alone to being bored in the company of children who don’t share their interests.

They set challenging goals for themselves and believe that they can achieve what they aspire to. Those who would be recognized must also be able to tolerate competition––some even thrive on it. . . . Creators are independent and nonconforming. . . . Caring about pleasing everyone cannot be a priority for anyone who is going to challenge an established tradition. . . . Creators must be willing to sacrifice comfort, relaxation, and personal relationships for the sake of their work. They are often ruthless and destructive of personal ties. . . . Creators have to be willing to risk failure, since anything new is likely initially to be denounced. [Those] who produce the most works are most likely to produce a masterpiece, but they also produce the most failed works. Perhaps the most important of all is the desire to set things straight, to alter the status quo and shake up the established tradition. Creators do not accept the prevailing view; they are oppositional and discontented. (292-298)

Winner examines the typical family life of great creators:

The future creator seems to grow up in a family that is much less child-centered and supportive, and far more stress-filled than does the gifted child not destined to become a creator. Three-fourths of the eminent creators studied by [leading researchers] experienced some kind of extreme stress in their early family life: poverty; death of a parent; divorced or estranged parents; rejecting, abusive or alcoholic parents; fathers who experienced professional failure or bankruptcy; and so on. They came from atypical families––irritable, explosive families, often prone to depression or to large-scale mood swings. . . . Particularly shocking is the frequency with which eminent individuals have lost a parent in childhood. . . . In [one] study of major creators, over a fifth had lost one or both parents in childhood . . . the only other groups with such high levels of parental loss are delinquents and depressive or suicidal psychiatric patients. . . .

As she continues she approaches our area of inquiry:

Family trauma is more often characterized by those who became writers, artists, musicians and actors in comparison to those who became scientists, physicians and political leaders. . . . [In one study] of eminent twentieth-century figures, 89 percent of the novelists and playwrights, 83 percent of the poets and 70 percent of the artists had difficult family lives, while this was true for only 56 percent of the scientists. . . . The same distinction was found in a comparison between Nobel Prize winners in science v. literature; those in literature were more likely to come from unstable family environments. Literature winners were also eight times more likely to have lost a parent in childhood. (298-300)

Winner draws a number of conclusions from these studies, all pertinent to our quest. Though all are interesting, we’ll quote only the most apposite. Regarding family trauma:

Trauma could make a child feel different from the start and thus lead to a willingness to be different. The perception that one’s environment is unpredictable may lead to the desire to achieve in order to gain control over one’s destiny. . . .   Loss of a parent may also lead to a kind of compensation––desire to replace the lost object by creating one’s own object, whether a work of art or a scientific theory. A horror of the void left by death could stimulate a child to create an ideal world and to lose [him]self in its creation. The desire to replace emptiness and the lost object with an ideal created world may be so strong that [he] is not overly critical. . . .

“Ideal created worlds”

Such a world is a good description of the island of Ephesus where the shipwrecked family is reunited in A Comedy of Errors, or the magical isle of The Tempest, where father and daughter are wafted to safety out of the grasp of evil relatives, or Illyria in Twelfth Night where brother and sister wash ashore following yet another Shakespearean family shipwreck.

Based on Winner’s detailed analysis, and Shakespeare’s erudition, what sort of biography should we be looking for? Certainly we would expect to see at least some of the following: a rage to master, an enriched environment, a stressful home life, a solitary childhood, a painful childhood trauma, a parental failure, the early death of a parent, an indomitable will, an oppositional and discontented nature.

Except, perhaps, for the fact that his father suffered some sort of business failure when he was twelve, little of this is apparent in anything we know about William of Stratford. It must be for this reason that despite the genius attached to his name and its immense importance to our culture, among the upper tier of creators whose biographies and careers she discusses, creators whose “rage to master” led to “altering their domains,” Winner never mentions the one who created the language we speak; she never mentions William Shakespeare. Is this because nothing in the life of William of Stratford matches the guidelines she and her colleagues have unearthed from thousands of reports on gifted children and biographies of geniuses? Which is at fault here, Winner and the Psychology of Creativity, or the Stratford biography?

Note: The above is excerpted from a chapter in my forthcoming book, Shakespeare and the Birth of the London Stage.

“Tragical trifles . . . darkly figured forth”

In the 15th and 16th centuries, modern imaginative literature (poetry, novels and plays) erupted out of feudal darkness at the courts of European kings and princes, for nowhere else was there the leisure to create it or the literacy to enjoy it. This is not to say that the uneducated and illiterate did not have a rich heritage of spoken and sung story and verse, one shared by educated and uneducated alike, it’s that it was not until the Renaissance that it was combined with the literatures of ancient Greece, Rome and the Middle East into elegant national literatures.

In England, however, where, unlike the other nations of Europe, the Renaissance got preempted by the Reformation, the Renaissance urge to create got so thoroughly and completely forced underground by Calvinist fears of damnation and the Devil, that it took on a most peculiar appearance. This doesn’t mean that nothing got published––though necessarily much was suppressed––what it meant was that the process of getting it published forced writers and publishers to assume an obscure and defensive posture, pretending that the work was something it wasn’t, and seemingly written by persons who apparently had nothing to lose, who were utterly unknown at Court or to anyone in London.

There was a lot more hiding going on in 16th-century English literature than just the hiding of Shakespeare’s identity. In fact, it might be stated without fear of exaggeration that the entire canon of Early Modern English literature was one long exercise in hiding––authors, central figures, publishers, patrons, printers, dates of publication, and most of all, messages, for the Reformation didn’t like the kind of messages that were emerging from the push for intellectual freedom that was the repressed English response to the European Renaissance. If the message was too obviously Catholic, too ornate, too passionate, too sexy, too ironic, too satirical, the English ministers of State wanted it toned down or better, squashed. As we puzzle out the truth about these early works of the imagination, we need to keep this in mind. There were two major issues for the censors, if it (the play, the poem, the story) was “lewd” (naughty, dirty) it encouraged audiences and readers to take serious matters like sex and hellfire too lightly; if it was too political it encouraged heresy and rebellion.

For instance, take the tag “No less pleasant than profitable” found in one form or another on almost every work of imagination published between 1540 and 1640. What on earth does that mean? If it’s got you puzzled, you aren’t alone. What it seems to be saying is that what you are about to read is not only “profitable,” that is, it will leave you wiser than you were before, it is also “pleasant,” that is enjoyable, entertaining.  In other words, it looks like a promotion, it sounds like a promotion, but it doesn’t really promote. In fact, if anything, it sounds like the kind of modest inversion for which the Brits are famous, as when a billionaire confesses that he’s not “doing too badly,” or a beautiful woman is described as “not unlovely.”

Titles can be just as confusing. As William Roberts put it in 1889: “Whether the title had an immediate or remote reference to the subject-matter does not appear to have been considered material, or, in fact, whether it had reference to anything at all in particular” (An Early History of Bookselling, 67). He’s right about the title, but this isn’t true of this or similar tags, which did have a meaning, however obscure to present day literary historians. The message it conveyed to the silent seekers of reading entertainment was that this was a work of the imagination.

It’s said that during this time, the Jesuits were training their missionaries in a sort of double-speak known as equivocation, so that if grilled by the Protestants in northern Europe or the Inquisition in Italy and Spain, they could find ways of answering without condemning themselves to their inquisitors on the one hand, or to God on the other. Many in those days believed the fate of their souls was bound up with what answers they gave under oath: if they lied to the Man they’d get burnt at the stake; if to God, they’d still get burnt, only later, and for eternity.  Equivocation was simply a more serious form of the kind of wordsmithery that was the intellectual bread and wine for an educated, progressive Elizabethan.

Where did it come from?

Usually it was not the author but the bookseller or publisher who composed a book’s title page and front matter. His primary objective, of course, was first to get it past the censor, and second to sell as many copies as possible as quickly as possible. Over time, much experimenting led to a formula that worked. A tag like “No less pleasant than profitable” met the Reformation requirement that everything, even joke books, had better advertise itself as having a serious purpose or it was in danger of getting a closer look and potential rejection. So for the publishers of the 1590s, t’were best to take the easy way: give the work a confusing name, then use the front matter to distract the censor from taking too great an interest in the content.

While some works could withstand such an examination, many, in particular those that “darkly figured forth” real persons and politics, could not. And that there was a growing audience that fed on such works is evident from the complaints by writers of attempts to read into their innocent tales personal and political comments that were simply not there. Among those who complained the loudest was Thomas Nashe, the worst offender of all, whose complaints have to be taken with the same grain of salt required by almost everything he wrote.

Human nature being much the same in every age, by the 1590s when publishing had become a commercial industry generating a considerable volume of submitted manuscripts needing to be read by the censors, what could be more likely than when the stack got too high, the junior official in charge of weeding out problematic submissions was likely to give each a quick once-over, initial and return it to the publishers, only holding out for a closer look the one or two whose title and front matter forced him to look more closely. Thus by the nineties, publishers would have been well aware that as long as the title page, introduction and first few pages looked kosher, a book had every chance of making it past the censor. Those who enjoyed these works were unlikely to blow any whistles, unless the material got so raw they they feared for their souls, or more likely were offended by satires about themselves or their friends. Some such scenario is undoubtedly behind Stephen Gosson’s attacks on the playwrights of Fisher’s Folly following the rash of plays for the Children of the Chapell, the Queen’s Men, and Paul’s Boys in the early 1580s.

Profit and pleasure

That nothing during this era was ever published purely for entertainment, but all must be utilitarian (even the most lascivious and violent, for these taught readers what to avoid) can be found in everything from the title page to the preface by the printer, to the introduction and poems by the author and his friends, to the dedication to some important figure and the various complimentary letters to the author, all meant to be taken as guarantees of the book’s legitimacy. Take it as a given, the more questionable the work, the more equivocal the introductory material, and the more likely that the names and dates on the title page might be less than 100 percent on the level.

While efforts to obscure the real nature of a work appear to get briefer and more formulaic as time went by, we can see from the preachy tone of the earliest examples the author’s, or more likely the publisher’s need to steer the censor toward acceptance. We see this clearly in this excerpt from the “Letter to the Reader” that introduces what may be the first of these early works of the imagination, Arthur Brooke’s narrative poem, Romeus and Juliet, where the theme of passionate desire would surely have caused a problem without this robust caveat:

The glorious triumph of the continent man upon the lusts of wanton flesh, encourageth men to honest restraint of wild affections; the shameful and wretched ends of such as have yielded their liberty thrall to foul desires teach men to withhold themselves from the headlong fall of loose dishonesty. So, to like effect, by sundry means the good man’s example biddeth men to be good, and the evil man’s mischief warneth men not to be evil. . . . And to this end, good Reader, is this tragical matter written, to describe unto thee a couple of unfortunate lovers, thralling themselves to unhonest desire; neglecting the authority and advice of parents and friends; conferring their principal counsels with drunken gossips and superstitious friars (the naturally fit instruments of unchastity); attempting all adventures of peril for th’attaining of their wished lust; using auricular confession, the key of whoredom and treason, for furtherance of their purpose; abusing the honourable name of lawful marriage to cloak the shame of stolen contracts; finally by all means of unhonest life hasting to most unhappy death. This precedent, good Reader, shall be to thee, as the slaves of Lacedemon, oppressed with excess of drink, deformed and altered from likeness of men both in mind and use of body, were to the free-born children, so showed to them by their parents, to th’intent to raise in them in hateful loathing of so filthy beastliness. Hereunto, if you apply it, ye shall deliver my doing from offence and profit yourselves.

It’s clear that whoever wrote this preface either had no idea what Brooke’s long narrative poem was really about, or he was deliberately describing it in ways that might ensure its publication. Rather than “thralling themselves to unhonest desire,” the love Romeus feels for Juliet is portrayed as a natural force over which neither the boy himself nor the Friar’s advice have any power. As for the Friar, not only is he not “superstitious” or a “naturally fit instrument of unchastity,” he is loving and wise, a genuine spiritual counselor, whom the poet describes as “beloved well, and honoured much of all.” Nor is there any “loathing of filthy beastliness” in his description of the young lovers’ wedding night, nor moral drawn against their desire for each other. Instead the poet admits:

I grant that I envy the bliss they livéd in;
Oh that I might have found the like, I wish it for no sin,
But that I might as well with pen their joys depaint,
. . . . .
If Cupid, god of love, be god of pleasant sport,
I think, O Romeus, Mars himself envies thy happy sort.
Ne Venus justly might, as I suppose, repent,
If in thy stead, O Juliet, this pleasant time she spent.

The only possible reason for such a dishonest preface is that either the author or the publisher wrote it to distract the censor. Published in the early 1560s, when such works were only a trickle, the same scenario continues to play out on title pages and in introductory material in almost every work of the imagination published throughout the Elizabethan and Jacobean era. As the trickle became a flood in the eighties and nineties, these red herrings got briefer and more automatic, but also more cleverly worded. Finally the reference to poetry or any sort of fiction as a frivolity appropriate only for young men before the serious matters of adult life banished such time-wasters from their minds, was a judgment heard not only from conservative Reformers and older members of society but also from the poets and storytellers themselves, who were ever wont to apologize for what they invariably describe as “childish toys” written for no other purpose than simply to pass the time.