Tag Archives: A Midsummer Night’s Dream

King of Shadows

In Michael Crichton’s ’90s whodunit, Rising Sun, a computer technician  explains to the detective how she is able to discern where a video has been altered so that a third figure, the true murderer, has been successfully removed.  Shadows on remaining objects can reveal a missing figure, but by 1992 (according to the novel), technology allowed for shadows to be created as well as removed fairly easily and quickly.  Where the process was tedious, taking real time, was scanning for reflections of a missing figure on surfaces like glass, mirrors, computer screens, chrome, etc.  Removing or creating these would have taken hours (pure fiction, I’m told.)

There can no longer be any logical reason to doubt what the forest of Elizabethan literary “shadows” all report to those willing to pay attention to both histories, literary and mainstream, and to the works themselves, both plays and books.  There was a figure of great importance operating backstage during the early part of the creation of the British Fourth Estate (Stage and Press) whose presence has been (almost) totally erased from history.  If, as the most observant of commentators all assert, most (all?) works of the time were in some way a reflection on current events, then ipso facto it must be true of Shakespeare’s works as well.

We authorship scholars are like Crichton’s computer geek, sitting in the dark, locked for hours to a computer, seeking a single flash of light where we’re told there can be none.  As we dig through the literature of the period with its bizarre spelling and unfamiliar syntax, we are like the anthropologists who spend thousands of hours sifting through thousands of pounds of rubble on an African cliff-side, seeking bits of bone no bigger than the end of a thumb, in hopes it will fit the skeleton they’re piecing together of a 20,000 year old aboriginal.

So we sift through the texts of the period, and at second hand, through modern critical texts seeking evidence of bits we have no access to, to piece together the skeletal biography of a great artist. The bits of bone we seek are often no more than a single word, one that bears unusual significance.  One of those words is shadow.

Shadow vs substance

Elizabethan s used the word shadow metaphorically for more things than we use it now.  Along with those of today, they used it as a representation of something real.  Paintings were referred to as shadows.  So were ghosts.  So too were the characters in a play, persons that vanish after the actors take their bows.  This is what Puck means in his epilogue to A Midsummer Night’s Dream when he says “If we shadows have offended, think but this and all is mended, . . .” And surely he means the play’s director when he calls Oberon “King of Shadows.”  The word was also used to mean the plays themselves, as Theseus shows when he responds to Hippolyta’s description of the play of Pyramus as “the silliest stuff that ever I heard,”with, “The best are but shadows, and the worst are no worse if imagination amend them.”

In discussing why the Queen’s Men titled their published plays as they did, scholars McMillin and Maclean point to the opening scene of The True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York, Scene 1:

POETRY:      Truth well met.

TRUTH:       Thanks, Poetry; what makes thou upon a stage?

POETRY:      Shadows.

TRUTH:       Then will I add bodies to the shadows.
Therefore depart and give Truth leave
To show her pageant.

POETRY:      Why, will Truth be a Player?

TRUTH:       No, but Tragedia likes for to present
A tragedy in England done but late,
That will revive the hearts of drooping minds.

(Here, I believe, we have the voice of Oxford circa the early 1580s.)

Surely this is the same meaning that Thomas Vavasor, Ann Vavasor’s uncle, had in mind in the note he sent Oxford in 1582, challenging him to a duel:

If thy body had been as deformed as thy mind is dishonorable, my house had been yet unspotted and thyself remained with thy cowardice unknown.  I speak this [because] I fear thou are so much wedded to that shadow of thine that nothing can have force to awake thy base and sleepy spirits.  Is not the revenge already taken of thy vileness sufficient but wilt thou yet use unworthy instruments to provoke my unwitting mind?  Or dost thou fear [for] thyself and therefore hast sent thy forlorn kindred whom as thou hast left nothing to inherit so thou dost thrust them violently into thy shameful quarrels?  If it be so (as I too much [suspect]) then stay at home thyself and send my abusers.  But if there be yet left any spark of honor in thee or jot of regard [for] thy decayed reputation, use not thy birth for an excuse, for I am a gentleman, but meet me thyself alone and thy lackey to hold thy horse.  For the weapons, I leave them to thy choice, [since] I challenge, and the place to be appointed by us both at our meeting, which I think may conveniently at Newington or else where thyself shall send me word by this bearer, by whom I expect an answer. (Nelson 295-6)

Nelson takes the phrase “that shadow of thine” to mean a relative or “parasite” of Oxford’s. This is possible (the OED allows it), but it’s not one of the major uses at that time nor do we (or obviously Nelson, or he would have been delighted to give him an identity) know of any such individual that Oxford may have been attached to during his banishment.  He may not have been quite as reduced as Burghley portrayed him, but it’s unlikely he was in any condition to support some unidentified parasite.  (For more on the date of this note and what Vavasor may have meant by “unworthy instruments,” check Enter Romeo.)

The Devil may be in the details, but not in all, and not always at the same level of impact.  Most details are meaningful only when added to an already strong structure of fact or likelihood, without which they’re basically worthless, keys without doors.  But where there’s already a strong structure in place, a tiny detail can be the key that opens the truth.  It can also be a nail in the coffin of falsehood.  Such nails in the coffin of William as author include the six signatures (surely Hemmings would signed these himself, had it not been illegal to do so), Jonson’s Sogliardo, and the souless nature of the Droeshout and the Bust.  Keys to Oxford’s true connection to the London Stage include the three boar’s heads on the Burbage family crest.

Yet of all of these details, these bits of bone, these flashes of reflection that the Lord Chamberlain’s Men were unable or unwilling to erase, this 100 percent real note from the uncle of Oxford’s lover with its crucial word shadow and reference to Oxford’s “unworthy instruments” may be the most important of all, for it not only connects Oxford to the London Stage (no one, not even Nelson, denies he was a patron), but to his use of it as an “instrument” for his own personal ends.  And if it doesn’t actually put the pen in Oxford’s hand, then whose hand was it in?

One of the problems in sorting this out has that it has not been apparent until recently that not all the shadows were cast by one figure.  Besides the one we call Shakespeare there are at least two others, and as time will no doubt reveal, a number of lesser figures as well.  Although the hiding of the central figures did not last long, writers who felt free to use their names began to arrive only a decade or so after the first period of publication began.  What needs to be recognized  also is that the hiding of names continued through the Jacobean, the Carolinian periods, and after the War (when publication and production of works of the imagination came to a halt), through the reigns of Charles II, on through those of Anne and George, and indeed, all throughout the Victorian era.  And indeed, how do we know that it’s not still being applied today?

So we have to sort the shadows and group them by voice, obsession, style, etc., until we can be sure which shadows belong to which writer, and how many primary figures were involved.   This is anything but simple since part of their fun came from creating believably different personas, and part of it came from imitating each other.   This is not going to be decided overnight, but once qualified persons set themselves to the task and agree at least to some degree, on what we are all looking for, the truth will reveal itself, sooner or later.

By “we” I mean not only the handful of serious authorship scholars still living, but also that handful of academics who, having wandered off the Stratfordian preserve, are dealing as we are with these issues at a fairly deep level.  Though their thinking continues to be skewed by the Stratford anomaly, they are corroborating sections of the picture that are only slightly skewed by it, or not at all.

The true author of the Shakespeare canon does emerge as a real figure at crucial points along the way, so we know who he was, but the lack of facts about him, plus the immensely ironic fact that, due largely to the enmity instilled in historians by the manipulation of the record left to history by his in-laws, his figure is shrouded in shame.  We can corroborate his identity by the fact, as stated by a pre-Oxfordian scholar, that “An unlifted shadow somehow lies across his memory” (Grosart 3.11/359).  On the one hand we have a lot of shadows seemingly without a solid figure creating them, and on the other a figure who seems to cast very little shadow.  All we’re doing is showing how, by putting the two together, we get the complete figure of a great artist and his place at the Royal Court in the late 16th and early 17th centuries.

Now, how exciting is that?!

“Bringing in the May”

What inspired the works of Shakespeare? 

Academics who haven’t examined the authorship question blindly accept the idea that Shakespeare was a professional, writing for money.  That everything defies this interpretation, from the nature of the plays themselves to the obvious fact that the author paid very little attention, if any, to getting them published, doesn’t bother the “experts” because they don’t really care who wrote the plays.  They can’t state it openly, but all but a few of these belong to the camp of: “We have the plays, what does it matter who wrote them?”

If they really cared they’d object to the terrible job that the pop historians do with his biography.  If all the Directors of all their PhD committees were agreed that the author was Mickey Mouse, that were sufficient to have them equally convinced that Mickey was the Man, and any other suggestion “preposterous.”

But to those who’ve paid some attention to the matter, those who know that the idea that the plays were written by a theater professional is absurd because when the first versions of these plays were being written, there was no professional theater in England.  You can’t call the earliest of the Early Modern playwrights professionals any more than you can call the Wright brothers professional aviation engineers. 

It’s easy enough to understand what inspired the designs of the first airplanes, but, if not to make money, what was the purpose behind these early plays?  Were they all written simply to entertain, as the orthodox would have it, was there a different purpose for each play?  Or were there, perhaps, categories of purpose?

Following the dissolution of the monasteries in the 1530s by Henry VIII, a piece of royal presumption that emptied, almost at a stroke, the oldest and most beautiful buildings in England of their religious art and social functions, the Reformation ushered in by his son’s Protestant ministers removed whatever was left of all that was dramatic or entertaining in the Church Service. 

Is it any surprise that some of these buildings, or the lands on which they stood, metamorphosed into the theaters that took the place of the Church and its Service in the lives of their former parishoners?  Both of the first two commercial stages in London, built in 1576, were in Liberties, areas more or less under the jurisdiction of the Crown, not the City, areas that for centuries had been administered by the Church.  Blackfriars theater was in a section of the old Dominican monastery in the Liberty of Blackfriars, while Burbage’s public theater took the place of what was formerly the priory of Holywell in the Liberty of Norton Folgate. 

Just as the land and the buildings that were once religious in nature turned into theaters, so the plays performed in them took the place of what had been religious observances.  The winter holiday plays took place on Christmas, Innocent’s Day, Twelfth Night (Epiphany), February 2nd (Candlemas). The last taking place on or around February 6, “Fat Tuesday” (Shrovetide), the last big party before Ash Wednesday and the start of the 40-day period of Lenten abstinence.  The series of spring holidays associated in the Church calendar with Easter, banned by the Reformation, slipped back into the ancient May Day festivities, which ended with the summer solstice on June 24th, the day after Midsummer’s Eve (the Feast of St. John the Baptist).

The Reformation sweeps clean

As Oxford turned from boy to man, the great country festivals that formerly “brought in the May” with garlands of flowers, Maypoles, Church Ales, and lovers trysts in the woods were vanishing.  Gone were the solemn processionals that followed the priest bearing the cross through the newly ploughed fields and around the boundaries of the town, the clergy in their gold and white vestments tossing incense on the breeze and intoning prayers in the beautiful language that the Lord chose for His Word.  Gone were the pranksters, the minstrels, the Morris dancers, the St. George and the Dragons, the Robin Hood and Maid Marions, the Green Man and the Hobby Horse, the drinking, the feasting, and the noisy chivarees.

But luckily for literature, Oxford had spent the early years of his childhood in the upper Thames valley , one of the last areas where there is evidence that some of these ancient “merrymaking” rituals still held sway (Hutton 98-9).  Though condemned by Edward VI, during de Vere’s years in the Smith household at Ankerwyke, it seems the old ways had one final fling under Catholic Mary. 

As new green life began breaking through the dead wood of the old winter, Edward would have experienced the gradual buildup of excitement among the estate workers at Smith’s and in the rural community beyond as folk prepared for their own annual outpouring of Spring energies against the backdrop of the still great Forest of Windsor.  In the rush of events, most of the community that surrounded the town of Old Windsor taking part, the crowds that filled the streets moved in a single mind towards those peak moments, frightening or hilarious, that would serve for entertainment  at kitchen supper tables for months to come. 

For the boy it would have been the equivalent of what a kid from a small American town in the 19th century experienced when the circus came through in the spring, only in Edward’s case the circus was created by the townsfolk themselves, with maybe a few professional entertainers in to take advantage of the crowds and excitement.  If he did get to participate it would probably have been through the offices of one of the estate workers, since Smith was not one to enjoy such proceedings, at least so he claimed, nor would he have have approved  of anything that might threaten the health or morals of his young charge. If we’re right in our belief that Friar Lawrence was to Romeo as Smith was to Oxford, he may simply (remembering his own childhood) have looked the other way.

No more cakes and ale 

With Elizabeth on the throne and the Reformers again in control, these rituals began to dissappear. What had originally been an effort to insure the propagation of the species back in the days of the hunter-gatherers, many centuries later transformed by the Middle Ages into a Courtly Love ritual honoring the creational forces of Desire, was now seen by the Reformation as a licentious return to pagan demon worship. 

Other factors were involved as well.  During a period of financial stresses, funds must be spent on more immediate needs.  Anything that smacked of Catholic ritual came to be seen in an increasingly dark light.  The local patrons: merchants, squires and lords, who had formerly sponsored entertainments, withdrew their support.  As the Church calendar, the framework for the social lives of the people for centuries, shrank to a few half-hearted observances, a great vacuum developed in the lives of the English people. 

It was this vacuum that Oxford was born to fill.  Out of his childhood memories of these festivities came the grand chivaree that was Taming of the Shrew, came the antics of Autolycus inThe Winter’s Tale, the Spanish maze of The Tempest, the final “merry” act of Much Ado.  Out of time spent in the great forest of Windsor came Falstaff transformed into Herne the Hunter, the ponderings of Jaques on the sorrows of the wounded deer, the love poems tacked on trees by Orlando and Rosalind, and most beloved of all, the magical adventures of the lovers, the rude mechanicals, and the fairies of A Midsummer Night’s Dream.

Most of Oxford’s early plays were “comedies” (early versions of today’s English pantomime) or wedding plays (most of the cast gets married at the end) written for the Court or for members of the Court.  Though less assiduously, following his banishment in 1581, and even less after his loss of status c.1589, still Oxford would continue to write for his community throughout his life, his last big production being the nine plays he rewrote for the festivities surrounding the marriage of his youngest daughter, Susan Vere, to the King’s favorite, the Earl of Montgomery, over the winter holidsays of 1604/05. (Yes, I know he was supposed to be dead, but I believe he was only taking one final retreat into the privacy that, as a writer, he had fought so hard to maintain all his life.)

All but a few of these Court plays were written for the winter holidays and for weddings of those members of the Court community that were his particular friends or patrons.  Taming of the Shrewwas written for the 1579 wedding of Lord Strange (Petruchio) to Alice Spencer (Kate).  A version ofThe Tempest was produced for the wedding of his daughter, Elizabeth Vere (Miranda), to the Earl of Derby (Ferdinand).  And A Midsummer Night’s Dream was written (or rewritten) for the wedding of his first love, Mary Browne, now the Countess of Southampton (Hippolyta) to the aging courtier, Sir Thomas Heneage (Theseus), May 2, 1594 (See Roger Stritmatter’s Dreame).    

Although the title of A Midsummer Night’s Dream would seem to place it on the 23rd or 24th of June, that title may come from a later production, for the text itself places it on May Day.  Either date works for the play, since both of these moments (plus Valentine’s Day) grew out of prehistoric fertility rituals that were bound to the seasonal turning points of the year.  May Day saw the first thrust of summer flowers woven into wreaths, hair dressings, and garlands, worn by youths as well as girls.  Girls, older boys, and unmarried women dressed all in white and festooned their garments with colorful ribbons (as in the costumes still worn today by Morris dancers).  Churches and graves were decorated with bouquets and wreaths. 

The ritual of circling the Maypole brought the young men and women of the village together, arbitrarily separating them into couples as in a modern circle dance mixer.  The King and Queen of the May, the prettiest village girl and most admired young man were festooned with flower garlands, carted around the village, and followed by all the village youth while their elders feasted, drank deep, and laughed long.  And if some of the couples slipped off into the woods, à la the lovers in Dreame, most looked the other way.  Everyone that is but their own particular Egeus andMalvolio whose Reformation principles would eventually overwhelm the natural human need for such outlets, at least on this community level.

“For O the Hobby Horse is forgot”

Whether Oxford had seen all of these lost elements of English medieval merrymaking is not the point.  Surely he saw some of them.  Shakespeare’s lament strongly suggests that this was something he knew from personal experience, for a description alone would not have called forth this heartfelt cry, not once, but twice, once in Love’s Labours Lost (Act III) and again in Hamlet (Act III Scene 2).

The role of the Hobby Horse, a man in the costume of a horse ––clearly a replacement for a real animal from an earlier ritual––was to lead the procession of costumed revelers, the mummers’ parade, and as he went, charging individuals in the crowd to send the watching herd of women and children shrieking.  

But beyond raising the excitement level, he was not interested in these innocents. For Hobby’s purpose was to single out and make a spectacle of persons who were in bad with their neighbors.  When he charged the local usurious money-lender, the drunken father, or the unfaithful wife, everyone who knew why he was attacking them (or their closed door), reacted with roars of approval, the worse the reputation, the louder the roars.  Shame is a powerful adjudicator.   His was a the kind of rough community justice that obviated the need for the expensive and time-consuming passion for Dickensian litigation that would come to replace it.  It may also have prevented arson, bloody street fights, and murders.

El Cinco de Mayo

Although the May games and the Hobby Horses of the centuries before the Reformation are lost in the mists of Time, the moment itself is not, for the early days of May are still the particular moment of the year when people will rise as one to protest the offenses of authority, though unhappily often not until aggravation has built to the point of rage, and rage to violence.  Even in Oxford’s time we see that this was often the moment when the authorities closed the theaters out of fear of riots by the apprentices. 

We have no way of knowing which of the many merry-making elements Oxford might have seen as a child, but details are less important than the atmosphere that they generated.  Lively, joyous, intense, rising from a dangerously shifting border between entertainment and riot, it was this energy that he sought to recapture in some small measure for his Court audience––by then so thoroughly tamed by the Reformation and therefore so desperately in need of fun––when he wrote his “golden”  holiday comedies.